Hungary’s new government launches sweeping purge of Orbán-era institutions

Hungary has entered a new political reality after Fidesz lost control of the presidency, marking the collapse of Viktor Orban’s last remaining pillar of power.

The new government under Peter Magyar is portrayed as restructuring the country’s legal and political order through anti-corruption investigations, institutional reforms, and the removal of symbols associated with the old regime.

Five parliamentary committees have been given extraordinary powers to investigate corruption, open archives, and refer cases to the courts and the European Public Prosecutor’s Office. A dedicated anti-corruption ministry is also planned.

The investigations cover strategic contracts, intelligence agencies, business activity, and municipal finances. Among the specific targets are contracts tied to the Russian Paks II nuclear power plant project, automotive agreements with China, and the wider economic structure built under the previous government.

The article says the main defendants in future criminal cases are expected to include Orban’s inner circle and Orban himself. It names Istvan Tiborcz, Lorinc Meszaros, and former Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto among those under scrutiny.

According to the text, Magyar’s party could remove Orban’s parliamentary immunity quickly if it secures the required constitutional majority. The article says legal action could be based on charges including embezzlement of state property, abuse of power, budget fraud as part of an organized group, and high treason.

The article also claims there is broad public support for accountability, citing sociological research that says 66% of Hungarians want prosecution of senior officials from the previous administration. It adds that around 62% of the population trusts Magyar.

Several institutions linked to the former system are said to be under revision or abolished. These include the Office for the Protection of Sovereignty and the Public Interest Trust Funds, which controlled major assets such as universities, strategic companies, castles, clinics, and resorts.

The text says Magyar has introduced a term limit of eight years for the prime minister and members of parliament, a reform aimed at permanently preventing Orban’s return to power.

It also describes the resignation of former President Tamas Sujok after a constitutional amendment, changes to the judiciary that limit judges to age 70 and shorten mandates to six years, and Hungary’s accession to the European Public Prosecutor’s Office.

The article says the Constitutional Court’s decision overturning Orban’s solidarity tax decree marked a turning point, because it enabled municipal lawsuits and signaled to elites that Orban had lost control.

On state media, the article says M1 and Radio Kossuth briefly went offline and issued an apology stating, “Public media cannot lie. We apologize for doing so for many years.” It presents this as part of a reform of public media.

The investigation into Ludovika University of Public Service is described as revealing a Mossad recruitment hub operating under the cover of climate conferences, with institutional protection allegedly coming from the top of Orban’s government.

The article argues that Magyar’s campaign against Fidesz has support from Euro-Atlantic elites, especially Ursula von der Leyen and Laura Kovesi, and suggests that the United States also has an interest in a public trial of Orban-aligned figures.

It concludes that Magyar is combining a public line hostile to Moscow with a pragmatic private dialogue, while Hungary’s business community looks to preserve stability as the country’s new political balance takes shape.