How does Amin Maalouf see the future of humanity in his new book?

Amin Maalouf was never just a historian interrogating the past or a novelist spinning interesting stories from history. Rather, he is closer to an observer holding his intellectual telescope to contemplate the thick fog that surrounds the future of humanity.

In his new and shocking intellectual book, “Le Siècle de notre métamorphose” (The Century of Our Transformation), published by Grassi in Paris, the Permanent Secretary of the French Academy does not just ring alarm bells, but rather puts us directly in front of a terrifying truth: We are not just living through a passing crisis or a traditional historical turning point, but rather we are in the midst of a comprehensive and radical “metamorphosis” that is re-dismantling and reassembling human existence.

Maalouf writes this material in the spirit of an investigative journalist and the depth of an existential philosopher, to present a book that represents the pinnacle of his intellectual maturity and the result of his chronic anxiety about the fate of this planet.

The thread of anxiety extending... from “deadly identities” to cosmic labyrinth

To read this new author in depth, it is necessary to place it in the context of an extended intellectual journey that began a quarter of a century ago with his seminal book “Fatal Identities” (1998), in which he warned at the time against the rise of narrow affiliations and blind fanaticism. Then he followed that with his book “The Disruption of the World” (2009) to monitor the economic and political rift, leading to his famous elegy “The Sinking of Civilizations” (2019), in which he examined the end of the old world order.

If in those books Maalouf focused on political, social and cultural conflicts, in “The Century of Our Transformation” he goes further. The danger no longer threatens one civilization rather than another, but rather threatens the “human species” itself, reviewing how the crisis of sectarian and national identity has turned into a global existential crisis led by the machine.

Artificial intelligence and genetic engineering

In the chapters of the book, Maalouf addresses in precise and exciting detail the moral risks resulting from breakthrough scientific breakthroughs, specifically generative artificial intelligence and biotechnologies such as genetic engineering and gene editing. The stark irony that the writer presents is that humanity now possesses supernatural tools similar to the powers of the gods in ancient myths, but they are managed by political and social minds that still reside in the Stone Age or in the corridors of tribalism and clans.

This disconnect between rapid scientific leaps and slow human moral maturity is what opens the door wide to terrifying scenarios, where technology becomes a malleable means in the hands of totalitarian regimes to impose absolute control and strip humans of their value and freedom.

The horror of isolation and loss of human worth

One of the most disturbing ideas in the book is the one in which Maalouf details the concept of “social sterility,” or the loss of human utility. Artificial intelligence not only threatens to take human jobs, but also threatens to eliminate the existential need for humans as a thinking, creative, and analytical being.

The writer asks in a sad tone: What will remain for humans when machines outperform them in everything, from diagnosing diseases to writing symphonies? He quotes the words of physicist Stephen Hawking to confirm that we are standing on the brink of an abyss. Either we lead this transformation wisely or we surrender our necks to an alternative intelligence that may decide at some point that humans are an unnecessary burden on the planet.

Human decency as a lifeline

Despite this melancholy that colors the chapters of the book, Amin Maalouf does not surrender to absolute despair. He rejects the idea of blind hostility to scientific progress because history does not go backwards.

Instead, he proposes the only possible way out: the formulation of a “new universal humanism.” The writer believes that traditional morals and politics have failed to keep up with this century. Therefore, the last remaining bet is on “high culture and literature.”

Maalouf calls for reviving the humanities and literature to restore bridges between cultures and build a moral firewall that protects human dignity before the middle of the current century, stressing that the next two decades will decide, forever, the fate of the human race.

The book “Our Common Future” (L’Avenir en commun), published by the French publishing house “La Dispute”, represents an exceptional political “manifesto” and an unprecedented phenomenon in the French electoral and literary scene.

This work is no longer just a party pamphlet or a passing electoral statement; Rather, it turned into a public event that broke records and topped the sales lists in French bookstores, making it the first political program book in the history of France to turn into a popular sales phenomenon, a “best-seller,” and its first edition of eighty thousand copies sold out as soon as it hit the market.

This unique consumer demand redefines the relationship of the French citizen with written programs, and presents the vision of the “Intrepid France” (LFI) movement, led by its founder Jean-Luc Mélenchon, as a comprehensive structural alternative to the current system of government on the horizon of the presidential election of 2027, presenting decisions that break with the liberal policies that have dominated the Elysee Palace during the past decade.

The starting philosophy and timing are governed by the “state of emergency”

In its current version, the book is based on a comprehensive intellectual architecture that was carefully formulated to go beyond the traditional structure of classic leftist programs. The body of the work is divided into 6 main sections distributed across 23 chapters and 111 detailed units, which present more than 1,000 detailed measures (1,069 concrete measures) that have been reviewed and fine-tuned to represent an integrated and sustainable governance plan.

The timing of the disclosure of this software arsenal was not a coincidence; Rather, it coincided with massive popular gatherings in the suburbs of Paris, led by program officer Clémence Guite and general coordinator Manuel Bombard, to confirm the public dimension of the project. The analytical vision of the text starts from diagnosing the crisis of human and social civilization, to announce the movement’s desire to declare an immediate “state of social emergency,” and to rely on the strategy of resorting to immediate presidential decrees to impose urgent economic decisions, bypassing the classic parliamentary bureaucracy in the face of financial markets.

The social revolution in wages and a new architecture for retirement

At the forefront of tangible transformations, the social aspect and the protection of purchasing power represent the cornerstone of the political doctrine of the book “Our Common Future.” The book does not make vague promises; Rather, it adopts bold and strict decisions, most notably raising the minimum wage (SMIC) to about 1,700 euros net, as a step to correct the imbalances resulting from inflation, in parallel with the abolition of the controversial retirement laws, and the inevitable return to the option of retirement at the age of sixty years.

This social vision coincides with a comprehensive re-evaluation of the public function, providing intensive support to single-parent families, as well as establishing the principle of comprehensive health coverage that guarantees the state the full recovery of treatment costs for its citizens, which represents an integrated framework for redistributing wealth and protecting the most vulnerable groups.

Strict environmental planning and remapping of territories

The book devotes extensive space to what is called “strict environmental planning,” a concept that goes beyond traditional nature conservation to creating a complete administrative and geographical structure for the French Republic.

The program proposes to replace traditional divisions with what are known as “ecological regions” that depend on natural boundaries and vital resources such as water courses and agricultural basins, with the aim of enabling residential communities to directly adapt to climate change and achieve food sovereignty.

This radical structural transformation is accompanied by the party’s adherence to its strategy aimed at gradually and completely abandoning nuclear energy and fossil fuels in favor of renewable energies, and establishing a new Ministry of Food Production concerned with monitoring companies’ compliance with environmental standards, and linking government support to the degree of respect for nature.

The economy facing financial markets and the weapon of the “right of confiscation”

The program's financial orientations raise widespread debate due to their boldness and direct attack on the concentration of wealth and their challenge to the global financial system. The program is betting on pumping more than one hundred billion euros into the state treasury by adopting a strict progressive tax system on those with high incomes and the wealth of large companies, inspired by international ideas related to imposing taxes on the wealthy to secure fair financing of public services.

To ensure the independence of economic decisions from market fluctuations, the program proposes the establishment of an independent public banking center that will exclusively finance long-term investment projects related to environmental transformation.

The text also includes a revolutionary clause that grants the state the “exceptional right to confiscate” factories and vital production institutions if the government considers that the way they are managed harms national security or the highest interests of society.

Reining in artificial intelligence and establishing the Sixth Republic

The text did not ignore the rapid technological and constitutional developments; The book devotes an entire chapter to codifying and governing artificial intelligence, by calling for the establishment of a higher national mission and a regulatory body to control markets and ensure the safety of high-risk smart systems.

In a move that carries philosophical dimensions, the program calls for a complete ban on artificial intelligence technologies that aim to simulate emotional relationships with humans in order to protect the social fabric from technological alienation.

As for the institutional political level, the constitutional aspect carries a revolutionary ambition that seeks to end the current presidential system and establish the “Sixth Republic,” by calling for a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution based on the idea of ​​“permanent popular sovereignty,” adopting a full proportional voting system in legislative elections to ensure fair representation of all intellectual trends, and activating direct democratic tools that give the people the ability to legislate laws and remove officials.

How did the political program turn into a literary and popular phenomenon?

The mystery behind this book becoming the first of its kind in the history of France in terms of rapid mass spread lies in its unique manufacturing style and thoughtful pricing. This program was not written behind closed doors; Rather, it was based on a broad participatory process that included more than 24,000 citizen contributions, in addition to extensive listening sessions with unions, associations, and intellectual and environmental experts. This sense of collective ownership of the content prompted thousands of citizens and young people to purchase it not only for individual reading; Rather, to present it and publish it as a tool of direct political persuasion.

In addition to the smart logistical factors, the book was released at a very low popular price of 4.9 euros, which removed financial obstacles and made it accessible to all social groups.

The crowds flocking to bookstores and causing them to run out of stock prove that the book was transformed from a mere political text into a symbolic document of social resistance and the aspiration towards what its authors and supporters describe as a “better life” in the new France.

Heedless of the Elysee’s controls and strict presidential protocols, the French capital was rocked by an unprecedented political and media earthquake, triggered by prominent journalist and political commentator Françoise Dugua.

The earthquake was embodied in her recently published book entitled “You Are All Too Cruel to Me (Vous êtes tous trop durs avec moi),” which within hours turned into the most prominent event in the country.

The book does not merely represent a political analysis of the mandate of President Emmanuel Macron, but rather an unprecedented penetration into the privacy of the head of power, as the author published secret and spontaneous correspondence that took place between her and the president via the Telegram application over a period of two full years, without his knowledge or prior permission to publish.

In a very bold move that reflects the nature of the complex relationship, Dugua sent a copy of the book to the Elysee Palace with a strange request: that the president himself sign it, in blatant defiance of the norms of dealing with official positions.

A spark from the “X” platform opens the doors of secrecy

No one expected this hot virtual relationship to start with a word of thanks. In the summer of 2024, the writer Françoise Dugua, who is historically affiliated with the French left, initiated a fierce defense on the “X” platform (formerly Twitter) of First Lady Brigitte Macron, in the face of a wave of rumors and conspiracy theories that affected her private life.

This position aroused deep gratitude from Macron, who decided to break barriers and bypass his media advisors, so he sent Dugua a direct text message thanking her for being fair to his wife.

This message was the green light that the experienced journalist captured, transforming the virtual channel between them on the Telegram application into a continuous and open space for deep political discussions and releasing pressure, away from official censorship and ready-made diplomatic terminology.

Confessions of the last hallway and the bitterness of isolation

The materials published in the book convey a very dark picture of the daily life of the French President as he approaches the end of his second and final term in 2027. The secret correspondence reveals a man who lives in stifling isolation inside the Elysee Palace, and feels bitterness towards the political and media elites whom he accuses of slandering him and not appreciating the extent of the sacrifices he made for France.

The phrase that the author chose as the title of the book, “You are all very cruel to me,” summarizes Macron’s psychological state and reveals the weight of the political pressures he faces, the decline in his popularity, and his growing feeling that his reign is ending amid collective ingratitude from allies and opponents alike.

In the face of the storm... Macron's decisive nos

Despite the tone of complaint and isolation that dominated many of the letters, the correspondence also reveals the aspect of stubbornness and toughness in Macron's personality, especially in the critical moments that followed his controversial decision to dissolve the National Assembly.

In one of the firm messages, the French President completely cuts off rumors promoting the possibility of his early resignation from power due to successive political crises, writing in categorical terms that he will never resign under any circumstances.

It also shows the president's desperate defense of his controversial reform of the retirement system, as he considered in his discussion with Dugua that any retreat or suspension of this law would have led the French economy to an inevitable and disastrous financial impasse.

Behind the scenes of the coup against the left and the shadow assignments

The book reveals the scenes behind the complex political game that followed the recent legislative elections, as the letters exchanged reveal Macron’s true and prior position on the rise of the leftist “New Popular Front” coalition.

The correspondence proves that the president did not have the slightest intention to hand over the keys of government to the left, and that he harbored clear mockery of Lucie Castet’s nomination for the position of Prime Minister, considering her arrival to the Matignon Palace as something completely unrealistic.

The letters show how Macron was secretly conducting political maneuvers to disrupt the progress of the left, searching for alternative formulas that would ensure the continuation of his broad lines of rule, which was later achieved by appointing a government that was compatible with his presidential calculations.

Presidential arrows strike allies and adversaries without filtering

Telegram messages were not limited to principled positions, but rather included merciless personal assessments that Macron directed to symbols of the French political scene. Even those closest to him were not spared from these arrows, as the book shows the president’s harsh criticism of his former Prime Minister Gabriel Attal, considering that the latter received opportunities and political support far greater than what he deserved.

On the other hand, the socialist leaders received a large share of the presidential attack, as Macron described them as “losers” who were unable to offer a real alternative, while he openly questioned the political eligibility of the leader of “proud France” Jean-Luc Mélenchon, describing his ambition to reach power as an illusion that cannot be achieved in France.

An uncertain tomorrow and a refusal to work under the umbrella of billionaires

The leaked correspondence touched on one of the most controversial issues on the French street, which is his professional and personal future after leaving the Elysee Palace in 2027.

In his response to press reports and rumors that claimed that he was arranging to move into the private business sector or work as an advisor to some of the wealthy French billionaires, Macron’s response was decisive and surrounded by a tinge of political pride.

The president assured Dugua that he would not work for anyone once he left the presidency, expressing this with an eloquent saying indicating that he would rather live in a small house he owns than inhabit a large palace belonging to others, indicating his desire to maintain his independence and prestige as a former president.

A shock in the “Elysee” and a tragic history of the end of the era

The book fell like a thunderbolt on the circles surrounding the president, as informed sources reported that the presidential team and communication advisors did not know about the existence of this book or its shocking content until only three days before it arrived in bookstores, given that the writer imposed a fence of complete secrecy on her project in agreement with the publishing house “Robert Lafont.”