The House of Representatives in Libya officially turned the page on the boycott with Turkey, after it voted to approve, on Tuesday, the maritime border demarcation and security cooperation agreements between the two countries, in a session that coincided with the arrival of the head of the Turkish intelligence service, Ibrahim Kalin, to the capital, Tripoli.
Tripoli, represented by Fayez al-Sarraj, head of the former Presidential Council of the Government of National Accord, had previously signed an agreement to demarcate the maritime borders with Ankara in November 2019, which was rejected by Cairo, Nicosia, and Athens.
Abdullah Belhaq, spokesman for the House of Representatives, said on Tuesday that the Council “voted unanimously to adopt the memorandum of understanding, signed between (the National Accord) and the Turkish government regarding defining areas of maritime jurisdiction in the Mediterranean,” and explained that “it was also voted unanimously to cancel the two Council Resolutions No. (1) of 2020 regarding refusing to ratify the two memorandums of understanding, concluded between the (National Accord) and Turkey, and Council Resolution No. (6) of 2020 regarding severing political relations. With Ankara.
Egypt opposed the continuation of the maritime border agreement between Turkey and the previous “reconciliation” government, and considered it at the time “invalid and without legal consequences due to its encroachment on the borders of Egypt’s exclusive economic zone and its violation of the international law of the sea.”
Greece had also previously rejected the agreement, describing it as “a geographically preposterous matter because it ignores the presence of the Greek island of Crete between the Turkish and Libyan coasts.” The Greek Foreign Ministry, at the time, also summoned its Turkish ambassador and condemned the agreement, informing him that “this measure is a clear violation of the international law of the sea, and is not consistent with the principle of good neighborliness that governs relations between countries.”
On January 9, 2020, the Libyan House of Representatives severed political relations with Türkiye and decided to withdraw the Libyan diplomatic missions located on its territory. The House of Representatives’ approval of the Libyan-Turkish agreement came after the dismissal of its speaker, Aguila Saleh, and the election of Al-Saliheen Abdel Nabi, while no official Egyptian comment was issued on that.
The former Libyan ambassador to Ukraine, Adel Issa, considered Parliament’s approval of the agreement “something that may go beyond a mere review of a previous political position, to constitute an indication of a possible shift in the calculations of the active forces within the Libyan scene.”
In a post on his Facebook page Tuesday, Issa believes that this step “may open the door to rearranging political understandings and expanding channels of communication with Ankara, which may reflect on the path of consensus regarding the new executive authority.” He went on to say that “Turkey is not just an external party in the Libyan equation, but rather possesses a political, economic, and security presence, which makes its position an influential factor in the calculations of a number of parties.”
Issa ended by asking: “Are we facing a mere review of a previous position, or are we facing a political repositioning that may precede a new phase of understandings and the formation of a new government in Libya?”
In the presence of National Security Advisor Ibrahim Al-Dabaiba, and Minister of State for Communication and Political Affairs Walid Al-Lafi in the “unity” government, he met with its president, Abdul Hamid Al-Dabaiba, Qalan in Tripoli, and discussed with him the latest developments in the political and security situation in Libya, and the efforts made to enhance stability and support the political track.
The “Our Government” platform, affiliated with “Al-Wahda,” reported that Al-Dabaiba and Qalan’s talks dealt with the issue of irregular migration, and ways to enhance coordination and cooperation within the framework of the Quartet table, which brings together Libya, Turkey, Italy, and Qatar, “in a way that contributes to developing joint efforts to confront the challenges of migration, address its causes, and limit its repercussions.”
According to the government platform, the meeting did not address Parliament’s approval of the border demarcation agreement, but it stressed “the importance of continuing consultation and coordination between the two countries on issues of common interest, and strengthening bilateral cooperation, in a way that serves common interests and supports security and stability in Libya and the region.”
The agreement draws a sea line connecting the southern coasts of Turkey and the eastern coasts of Libya, and works to define areas of maritime jurisdiction in the Mediterranean Sea, including the continental shelf and the exclusive economic zone of both countries.
In August 2020, the Egyptian-Greek negotiations culminated in the signing of an agreement to demarcate the maritime borders and define the exclusive economic zone. While the former Egyptian Foreign Minister, Sameh Shoukry, confirmed that the agreement “paves the way for investing promising hydrocarbon resources,” Türkiye expressed clear rejection of this step.
Reports are increasing about the use of drones to target sites within areas controlled by both sides of the war in Sudan, the latest of which was the killing of at least 80 civilians in a drone attack, on Sunday evening, that targeted a public transportation gathering in the Al-Debb area in West Kordofan state, in an incident that reflects the escalation of risks facing civilians with the expansion of the scope of air attacks in Sudan.
While the “Tasas” coalition, which is linked to the “Rapid Support Forces,” accused the Sudanese army of carrying out the attack, there were reports of similar strikes in Darfur and Abyei, coinciding with the monitoring of drones in the sky of the capital, Khartoum, while the army announced renewed battles in the Blue Nile state in the south of the country.
A medical source at the nearby Al-Muglad Hospital told Agence France-Presse on Monday that 80 people were killed as a result of a drone bombing that targeted the Al-Debb area, which is under the control of the Rapid Support Forces in West Kordofan.
Ahmed Abkar Wadi, a witness who communicated with the agency via the Starlink satellite Internet, confirmed that the attack occurred on Sunday evening, and targeted a truck stop and public transportation that residents use to return to their villages after finishing their work in the market.
Wadi explained that the drone bombed the site twice, with an interval of about 10 minutes, adding that he helped bury 50 dead at the site of the attack, including his brother. He pointed out that 47 injured people were transferred to the hospital, 30 of whom died, according to the medical source.
In a parallel narrative, the “Establishment” coalition accused the Sudanese army of carrying out the attack using a “Bayrakdar Akanji” drone, and its official spokesman said that the bombing targeted a truck carrying civilians, killing at least 80 people and wounding dozens of others, including women and children.
Taases added that another drone targeted the city of Muglad with a missile that landed near a school for girls. The medical source reported that four people were injured in a separate attack on the city, without independent details confirming all the circumstances of the second strike.
The “Establishment” coalition called on local and international human rights organizations to conduct transparent investigations into the attack. There was no independent statement in the available information confirming who carried out the attack on the bear.
In the context of the escalation, media reports reported that army drones launched raids early on Monday morning on the city of Nyala, the capital of South Darfur state, which the Rapid Support Forces use as the headquarters of their parallel government. It was not possible to independently verify this information or determine the extent of the losses resulting from it.
Local sources also spoke about targeting the ostrich market in the disputed Abyei region between Sudan and the Republic of South Sudan, without a casualty toll or official information available regarding the attack.
These reports, if confirmed, indicate that the scope of air confrontations has expanded to include distant areas, at a time when drones have become a major tool in military operations, whether targeting military sites and vital installations or attacking areas located behind traditional front lines.
In the capital, Khartoum, residents reported observing drones flying at low altitude over areas in the east of the city and its suburbs, while the sounds of air defenses were heard shortly after the drones appeared in the sky.
Media reports quoted military sources in the army as saying that air defense systems fired at air targets, while no confirmed information was available about the nature of the targets or whether the area had been subjected to direct strikes.
The marches were attributed to the Rapid Support Forces, which did not immediately comment on these reports.
This comes a day after the army announced the dropping of suicide drones over the cities of Gedaref and Khashm al-Girba, in addition to the Khazzan State area on the Atbara River in eastern Sudan, in attacks described as among the most prominent air developments witnessed in the region after a period of relative calm.
During the past months, the Rapid Support Forces intensified the use of long-range drones to target military sites, airports, and army facilities, including targets in the capital. On the other hand, the armed forces continue to use aircraft and drones in operations targeting sites that they say belong to rival forces.
This escalation reflects an increasing shift in the nature of the war, with some of the confrontations moving to distances far from the direct lines of engagement, which raises the risks to populated areas and civilian facilities.
The army's Fourth Infantry Division announced the implementation of a military operation in the Al-Baraka area in Blue Nile State, which it said targeted the Rapid Support Forces and caused them heavy losses in lives and equipment.
The division added, in a statement, that the army and the forces supporting it were able to thwart the movements of the rival forces and prevent them from advancing towards their positions, forcing the attackers to retreat under the pressure of fire.
It confirmed the continuation of operations in the southern sector of the region, indicating its readiness to deal with any movements targeting civilian sites. There was no independent information available to confirm the size of the losses announced by the army or the details of the clashes.
The renewed fighting in the Blue Nile coincides with the continuation of air attacks in Kordofan, Darfur and other areas, despite the relative calm witnessed by some ground fighting fronts.
The Rapid Support Forces control the state of West Kordofan, while they are fighting with the army for control over the rest of the three states of the Kordofan region, which enjoys strategic importance because it links the capital, Khartoum, to the Darfur region in the west of the country, in addition to its natural resources and its location within the lines of movement and supply.
The war between the army and the Rapid Support Forces has been continuing since April 2023, after the disputes between the two parties turned into a large-scale armed conflict, killing tens of thousands, displacing millions, and leading to the spread of famine and the destruction of large areas of the country.
As battles continue and the use of drones expands, civilians face increasing risks, especially in transportation areas, markets, and population centers that residents depend on for their daily transportation and securing their basic needs.
This large number of casualties in bears highlights the humanitarian cost of war, at a time when confrontations are not limited to military fronts, but rather their effects extend to the daily lives of residents in areas where urgent medical response is difficult.
