Yemen: Road blockades double the suffering of the residents of Taiz Governorate

Yemen is facing a dangerous escalation in its humanitarian crisis, with food security and displacement rates continuing to deteriorate, in conjunction with trade restrictions and a stifling economic crisis ravaging the country. This compound deterioration threatens the ability of millions of Yemenis to secure the minimum basic requirements for living, amid warnings of widespread severe food deprivation.

The areas affected by direct conflict are at the forefront of the most affected geographical areas. Statistical data in Taiz Governorate show that the percentage of families suffering from insufficient food consumption in five districts is witnessing confrontations ranging between 65 percent and 76 percent. The governorate recorded a noticeable increase in rates of poor food consumption, as the percentage jumped from 29 percent last year to 36 percent currently.

Observers attribute this sharp deterioration in Taiz to the Houthis' continued closure of the main roads leading to the city, which impeded the flow of commercial supplies and trade movement, and obstructed the arrival of humanitarian aid to the most needy groups.

According to recently issued food security updates, the percentage of families suffering from insufficient food consumption in areas under the control of the Yemeni government reached about 71 percent during last September, recording an increase of 13 percentage points compared to the same period last year, and 21 points compared to the average of the past five years. Data also indicate that about 36 percent of families are subject to severe food deprivation.

The current crisis is not only limited to the scarcity of food supplies, but also extends to the collapse of purchasing power due to the erosion of incomes and rising prices. About 73 percent of families in government-controlled areas resorted to at least one food adaptation strategy, while 29 of them adopted harsh strategies. They include reducing the number of daily meals, purchasing lower quality and expensive goods, and adults giving up their meals in favor of children.

Continuous displacement and expensive living

Indicators show that families headed by women are the most vulnerable. The rate of reliance on severe coping strategies among them reached 38 percent, compared to 28 percent among families headed by men.

11 percent of the displaced reported that one of their family members spent an entire day and night without food, at a time when the governorates of Al Dhalea, Lahj, Shabwa, and Abyan recorded high levels of food deprivation, ranging between 40 percent and 45 percent, which proves the expansion of the crisis outside the direct fighting fronts.

In terms of displacement, the ongoing confrontations caused the internal displacement of more than 300,000 people until late last October. The majority of these displaced people come from Taiz Governorate, 69 percent, followed by Al-Hudaydah, 18 percent, while the remainder are distributed among other regions.

The displaced face extremely harsh living conditions due to the loss of their sources of income. The percentage of displaced families suffering from moderate and severe hunger reached about 29 percent, compared to 15 percent among residents. This percentage rises sharply inside the displacement camps to reach 43 percent, after it was 32 percent last August.

Economic contraction and financing gap

The deterioration of food security is linked to a prolonged economic recession characterized by a lack of job opportunities and high inflation. Economic reports expect Yemen's real GDP to shrink by 1.5 percent during 2026, with an expected jump in consumer prices of about 22 percent in government-controlled areas.

The markets recorded an increase in the cost of the minimum food basket by 15 percent, while the prices of basic commodities, such as flour and sunflower oil, jumped by about 35 percent. In light of these pressures, 69 percent of families reported a decline in their monthly income, while food security alone devours about 74 percent of total household spending.

On the other hand, supply chain disruptions increase pressure on local markets; Food imports through government ports decreased by 16 percent during the first nine months of this year compared to the same period last year, and fuel imports decreased by 44 percent.

This led to an increase in gasoline prices by 16 percent, and diesel prices by about 41 percent compared to 2025 prices, which raised the costs of internal transportation and distribution of services.

Security tensions and risks threatening international navigation in the Bab al-Mandab Strait heighten concerns, especially since the vital waterway constitutes a crossing point for about 62 percent of Yemen's total food imports.

In response to the accelerating humanitarian needs, international relief plans face a severe funding shortfall. The funding percentage for the humanitarian response plan for Yemen for the year 2026 did not exceed 23 percent until the end of last month.

Relief officials warn that the lack of financial flows, coupled with field security restrictions, significantly limit the ability of international and local organizations to meet urgent needs.

The reports conclude that the Yemeni crisis has transformed from a shortage in food supply to a complete collapse in the ability to access it, which requires coordinated international intervention focused on supporting economic stability, improving purchasing power, and ensuring the safe and unconditional flow of humanitarian aid.

The Caucus of Sahel-Saharan States discussed ways to restore the effectiveness of its institutions and strengthen its role in achieving security, stability, development and regional integration, including combating terrorism in the Sahel region of Africa, after resuming its meetings in the Libyan city of Tripoli.

On Saturday, the Libyan capital, Tripoli, hosted the meetings of the twenty-second regular session of the Executive Council of the “Community of the Sahel and Sahara” countries, in the presence of foreign ministers and representatives of member states.

According to a statement by the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the meetings discussed “ways to advance cooperation in issues of peace and security, combating terrorism and illegal immigration, and enhancing its effectiveness, in a way that contributes to restoring the regularity of institutional work and preparing for holding its meetings at the summit level during the coming period.”

The Community of Sahel-Saharan States faces challenges and difficulties that hinder the activation of its role at the security and development levels. According to specialists in African affairs, they pointed out that “the group maintains a degree of political cooperation among its members, but faces financial and logistical challenges in strengthening security coordination among its members,” stressing “the importance of activating its role in combating terrorism in the Sahel region and illegal immigration.”

The “Community of Sahel-Saharan States” was established in Tripoli on February 4, 1998, based on an initiative by the late Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi, following a summit in which the presidents of Mali, Chad, Niger, and Sudan participated, and a representative of the President of Burkina Faso. The group now includes 25 African countries around the Sahara and the Sahel, and also has observer status with the United Nations.

The headquarters of the General Secretariat of the Assembly moved from Tripoli to N'Djamena, the capital of Chad, after the overthrow of Gaddafi in February 2011, before returning to the Libyan capital again, and reopening last April.

The executive council of the group held its first meeting on Saturday, and the head of the “national unity” government in Libya, Abdel Hamid Al-Dabaiba, expressed his “aspiration that the group will form a regional framework capable of unifying efforts to confront political, security and economic challenges,” in addition to “strengthening coordination in combating terrorism, organized crime, and irregular migration, and supporting border security and regional stability.”

In his speech at the opening session, Al-Dabaiba pointed out that “confronting the security, economic and development challenges in the region requires moving from coordination and consultation to effective collective action,” adding: “We aspire that the next stage will witness practical steps towards expanding trade exchange, encouraging joint investments, developing infrastructure projects, transport and energy, and enhancing cooperation in the areas of food security, combating desertification and climate change.”

The meetings of the Executive Council of the “Council of the Sahel and Sahara” come as the region faces many security challenges, according to the Chadian writer and analyst, Saleh Younes, who said that “the Sahel region is home to a number of terrorist organizations and armed groups, due to its desert nature,” noting that “the region is attractive to cross-border organized crimes, including illegal immigration,” stressing “the importance of security coordination between these countries.”

Younis explained, in statements to Asharq Al-Awsat, that “the countries of the group maintain a degree of political cooperation and coordination, but they face many challenges at the level of security coordination.”

He said, “There are difficulties in activating security cooperation between the countries of the group, related to financing and the lack of logistical capabilities,” and noted that “there is reliance on the Tripoli meetings to restore the effectiveness of the group and its roles again, especially in confronting terrorist organizations in Lake Chad.”

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdel Aty stressed the need to “strengthen regional cooperation to confront the escalating security threats in the Sahel and Sahara region, most notably terrorism and cross-border organized crime.”

In his speech, he stressed “the importance of activating the group’s specialized mechanisms, most notably the Sahel-Sahara Center for Combating Terrorism, hosted by Cairo,” and stressed the importance of “strengthening the role of the group in achieving security, stability, development, and regional integration,” according to the Egyptian Foreign Ministry.

Cairo hosts the “Sahel-Sahara Counter-Terrorism Center,” which is a regional center specialized in strengthening the fight against terrorism. In recent years, it has also hosted meetings of defense ministers of the countries of the group and security officials, in order to enhance cooperation in combating terrorism in the African Sahel region.

Younes believes that “the terrorist organizations that are spreading in the Sahel region possess many capabilities that require strengthening regional and international cooperation to confront them,” and pointed out “the necessity of searching for sources of funding from the international community, including the European side, to reduce the threat of these organizations in this region.”

During the opening session of the group’s Executive Council, the Egyptian Foreign Minister said that “the Community of Sahel and Sahara has real capabilities that qualify it to play a more effective role in promoting security, stability, and development,” and stressed “the importance of having stable and transparent financial rules, regular resources, and a collective commitment to the duties assigned to member states.”

The step to activate the role of the “Council of Sahel-Saharan” mechanism at this time is important, in light of the security and economic challenges the region is witnessing, according to the African affairs expert in Egypt, Rami Zohdi, who said that “cooperation between the countries of this grouping can contribute to confronting the many security and economic risks facing the African Sahel region, most notably the challenge of terrorism and the spread of armed organizations.”

Zuhdi believes, in statements to Asharq Al-Awsat, that “the Sahel and Sahara region is considered one of the regions that suffer most from security and economic fragility that affects the collective security of African countries.”

He said, “Activating the role of the group will contribute to supporting national state institutions and enhancing regional connectivity between these countries,” adding that “there are development projects to connect these countries, including the land road project between Egypt, Libya, and Chad, and the project to connect Algeria and Nigeria.” He said, “These projects will not be completed without collective coordination that contributes to their implementation and activating their role.”