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Back王宏仁國際專欄》民主黨大勝之後,美國治理的新隱憂
王宏仁國際專欄》民主黨大勝之後,美國治理的新隱憂
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自由时报24 minutes agoPolitics5 min readChinaView translation

王宏仁國際專欄》民主黨大勝之後,美國治理的新隱憂

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2026年美國中期選舉,民主黨重新掌握參眾兩院,並在德州、喬治亞州等共和黨傳統優勢地區取得突破。文章分析民主黨面臨穆斯林政治力量崛起、進步派左傾、科技產業監管擴張、國會與白宮政治對抗等隱憂,並提及黃仁勳與黃樂關係引發國會關注,以及美股震盪反映投資人對AI監管的疑慮。

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Why It Matters

2026年美國中期選舉,民主黨重新掌握參眾兩院,並在德州、喬治亞州等共和黨傳統優勢地區取得突破。這場勝利反映選民對川普政府的關稅、生活成本以及伊朗戰爭政策的不滿。

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2026年美國中期選舉揭曉,民主黨重新掌握參眾兩院,並在德州、喬治亞州等共和黨傳統優勢地區取得突破。這場勝利反映選民對川普(Donald Trump)政府的關稅、生活成本以及伊朗戰爭政策的不滿。然而,民主黨的大勝也帶來新隱憂,包括,穆斯林政治力量崛起、進步派左傾、科技產業監管擴張,以及國會與白宮的政治對抗。

密西根州新當選參議員塞德(Abdul El-Sayed),是美國首位穆斯林聯邦參議員。(彭博檔案照)首先,美國是否出現政治上的「穆斯林化」,值得關注。密西根州新當選參議員塞德(Abdul El-Sayed),是美國首位穆斯林聯邦參議員。他具有牛津大學公共衛生博士及哥倫比亞大學醫學博士背景,政治理念接近參議員桑德斯(Bernie Sanders),主張全民醫療保險,反對無條件軍援以色列。紐澤西州新當選眾議員哈馬維(Adam Hamawy)同樣具有穆斯林背景,也批評美國的以色列政策。

這種穆斯林化並非指美國將走向伊斯蘭宗教統治,而是穆斯林政治人物與選民在民主黨內的組織動員及政策影響力逐漸增加。尤其是在密西根州迪爾伯恩(Dearborn)等阿拉伯裔人口集中的地區,加薩戰爭已成為重要的政治議題。未來民主黨如果更加重視穆斯林選民的外交訴求,可能改變過去相對穩定的親以色列政策聯盟,加劇黨內進步派與溫和派的矛盾。

其次,民主黨可能重新走向左派化的低效率治理。德州州長當選人伊諾霍薩(Gina Hinojosa)主張暫停新AI資料中心審批,俄亥俄州州長當選人艾克頓(Amy Acton)則要求企業自行負擔新增電力設施成本。喬治亞州、新墨西哥州等民主黨州長當選人,也提出類似限制。據估計,全美約四成規劃中的資料中心容量,位於主張暫停開發的州。

德州州長當選人伊諾霍薩(Gina Hinojosa)主張暫停新AI資料中心審批。(路透檔案照)環境審查與居民權益的保障固然有其必要,但如果各州不斷增加公聽會、行政許可與地方否決程序,企業投資勢必面臨更高的時間成本與政策不確定性。諷刺的是,這正是過去美國共和黨經常批評歐洲國家的問題之一。當美國正與中國展開激烈的AI科技競爭,如果民主黨主政的各州重蹈歐洲部分國家大型建設審批冗長、決策效率不彰的覆轍,恐怕反而削弱美國自身的科技競爭優勢。

更值得警惕的是,美國科技產業正面臨中國持續擴大的情報滲透風險。近日輝達(NVIDIA)執行長黃仁勳與涉嫌受到中國情報機關招募的企業主管黃樂(Alice Huang)之間的關係,引發美國國會關注。根據《紐約時報》報導,美國情報官員認為,中國試圖透過人際與商業網絡接近黃仁勳,蒐集情報並影響先進AI晶片對中出口政策。

這起事件的政治意義在於,中國可能不只透過技術竊取取得競爭優勢,也試圖影響美國關鍵企業的商業決策與政府政策。當美國國內科技投資受到更多行政限制,對手卻可能利用跨國商業網絡取得技術與情報,美國便面臨監管資源配置失衡的風險。如何在保護地方利益的同時,強化企業情報安全與出口管制,才是更重要的政策課題。

近日黃仁勳與涉嫌受到中國情報機關招募的企業主管黃樂之間的關係,引發美國國會關注。圖為2025年5月,黃仁勳(左)與黃樂(右)出現在台北三六食府的餐敘。(資料照,取自@CollinRugg在X的照片)另一項隱憂則是,國會監督可能演變為政治報復。預料接掌眾議院監督委員會的賈西亞(Robert Garcia),已經準備調查川普政府及相關企業。賈西亞甚至公開放話,請川普新任命的白宮幕僚長米勒(Stephen Miller)「快去找律師」。國會調查本是民主制衡的必要機制,但如果某一方持續以調查、傳票及司法行動對抗,則預算協商、行政任命及民生立法便可能受到排擠。民主黨若將勝選理解為全面追究川普的政治授權,反而會忽略選民真正關心的經濟問題。

最後值得思考的是,這次民主黨的選舉勝利究竟是來自選民對民主黨政策的支持,還是對川普施政失望後的反彈?選後美股隨即出現劇烈震盪,11月5日那斯達克指數重挫5.56%,反映投資人對民主黨可能加強AI產業監管的疑慮。這也提醒民主黨,反川普的選票不等於支持左派政策的授權。

選舉可以懲罰一個政府,卻不能替另一個政黨證明治理能力。民主黨如果未來兩年仍無法有效回應物價、社會治安、非法移民與中國科技競爭等選民關切的問題,即使擁有國會多數與更多州政府的權力,也未必能在2028年贏得白宮。畢竟,選民這次願意給民主黨一次機會,不代表兩年後還願意為同樣的問題再次投票支持民主黨。

民主黨即使擁有國會多數,但未來兩年仍無法有效回應物價、社會治安、非法移民與中國科技競爭等問題,也未必能在2028年重新執政。(歐新社檔案照)(作者為成大政治系教授、國策研究院執行長)

What to Watch

AI outlook — possibilities, not facts

  • 民主黨內進步派與溫和派在親以色列政策及穆斯林選民訴求上的矛盾將加劇

    Likely · Within months

  • 眾議院監督委員會將調查川普政府及相關企業

    Very likely · Within months

  • 美國科技產業監管將加強,AI資料中心開發面臨更多行政限制

    Likely · Within months

Open Questions

  • 民主黨是否能有效回應物價、社會治安、非法移民與中國科技競爭等選民關切?
  • 國會監督是否會演變為政治報復,影響預算協商與民生立法?
  • 民主黨內進步派與溫和派在親以色列政策及穆斯林選民訴求上的矛盾將如何解決?

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