The Lebanese Ministry of Culture places the country’s constitution in its first centenary on the dissection table, in an attempt to make the Lebanese, especially the new generation, read between its lines “their constitutional rights and their acquaintance with the political system that it established, and to open a discussion about the distance between what the constitution stipulates and what was implemented during a hundred years, to raise the relationship between the constitutional text and political practice in the country,” as Culture Minister Ghassan Salama tells Asharq Al-Awsat.
The Constitution Centenary activities, which begin with an exhibition entitled “Between the Lines of the Constitution,” come at a time when Lebanon is witnessing a debate about the political system and the working mechanisms of its institutions.
The process of preparing the 1926 constitution began under the French mandate, before its draft was subjected to extensive discussions and consultations with the participation of Lebanese figures. This constitution did not copy the French constitution, contrary to what might immediately come to mind. While France was living in a parliamentary system, the Lebanese system was parliamentary in name and presidential in reality.
From the 1926 Constitution to the “Taif Agreement”
While the exhibition is scheduled to open on October 8 and continue until the end of the year, Culture Minister Ghassan Salama recalls the historical path of the constitution, noting that it was drawn up under the French mandate, but he does not believe that the Lebanese constitution was merely a copy of the French constitution. He explains, “After independence, the constitution went through various amendments, some of which were linked to removing the effects of the mandate, while the most prominent amendment was in 1990, after the approval of the National Accord Document (Taif Agreement).”
Salama believes that the importance of the “Taif Agreement” lies in that it “incorporated the amendments he proposed into the heart of the constitution.” He says: “If there is someone who wants to do something major that violates the constitution, this needs a special vote on it.” In this way, you respect the constitution, and implicitly the political authority recognizes that there is a book, and this book must be respected, and not do whatever it wants.”
Violations of the Constitution and political exceptions
Salama does not limit himself to talking about the difference between the constitutional text and political practice, but rather stops at cases that he considers to be constitutional violations, calling for the Lebanese to know these facts and discuss them within the framework of constitutional culture. He refers to cases in which the constitution was amended exceptionally, to allow the election of the President of the Republic, contrary to the time limit or conditions that were specified by the constitutional text.
Salama warns against the ease of violating the constitution and turning the exception into a normal political practice, pointing out that deviating from the text should not become a rule simply because it is repeated or justified by political necessities. In this context, he also stops at political understandings that arose outside the constitutional text, citing what was known as the “Troika” that arose as a result of the understanding of the presidents of the republic, parliament, and government in the nineties, and the basic decisions therein were shortened. Likewise, the “Doha Agreement” (2008) did not leave a constitutional impact as the “Taif Agreement” did. He points out that “political understanding does not, in itself, acquire constitutional status unless it is translated into a constitutional text.”
A detailed reading of the Constitution
Salama says that the idea of the exhibition stemmed from a basic question related to the extent of the Lebanese people’s knowledge of their country’s constitution, and he adds: “Therefore, for the first time, we brought original documents found in France, including the document signed by the French High Commissioner, and other documents that will be presented for the first time for the Lebanese to see.”
However, according to Salama, the exhibition will not only display historical documents, but will also provide a detailed reading of the constitutional text and open it to the public in a simplified manner, which is what prompted the ministry to choose the title “Between the Lines of the Constitution.” He adds: “We want to introduce the constitution into the political culture of the Lebanese citizen.”
Constitutional norms and interpretation of the text
Salama confirms: “No country is satisfied with the text. “There are constitutional norms.” But he stresses the need to distinguish between constitutional custom and political practice, and not to consider the repetition of a particular practice a sufficient reason to automatically transform it into a constitutional rule. He says: “I want the Lebanese to think: Was this matter justified or not? Was it legit or not? These questions must be asked.”
Constitutional rights and freedoms
Hence, Salama asserts that “the constitution regulates not only the political system, but also basic rights.” He points out the importance of freedom of belief and freedom of expression, considering that the continuation of these rights despite the crises and wars that Lebanon has gone through represents an essential aspect of the Lebanese constitutional experience. He says: “It is not a passing matter that after fifty years of all the calamities that struck Lebanon, for every person to be able to speak freely, and for freedom of opinion and belief to remain as a constitutionally acquired right and not to be abandoned, this is a great thing.”
Documents of the founding period of the republic
Salama points out that some of the original documents were borrowed from France and elsewhere, and will be returned to their owners or owners after the end of the exhibition, while the National Library will keep exact copies of them.
The Ministry of Culture is betting that the exhibition will be directed specifically to young people and school students, with the aim of transforming the centenary occasion from a historical memory into an opportunity to learn about the Lebanese constitutional system. Salama says that the exhibition will remain open until the end of the year, with an effort to provide additional hours in the afternoon to allow schools and students to visit it.
Three informed sources told Reuters that Jordan detained a few days ago one of the main members of the hacking group (Shiney Hunters), which announced the theft of the data of all US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) employees.
Two of the sources said that he is cooperating with the FBI to uncover the identity of his hacker partners.
The three sources said that the Jordanian authorities detained Saif al-Din Khadr. Two sources explained that he has been detained since Tuesday.
Reuters has not yet been able to determine the circumstances of Khadr's detention or his current whereabouts.
Two sources said that he is cooperating with the FBI and law enforcement agencies from other countries to determine the whereabouts of the remaining hackers. The FBI declined to comment on the detention report or any of its activity outside the United States, but said: “We are continuing an intensive investigation into the latest electronic incident in which the Shiny Hunters group was said to be involved, after already cooperating with partners to arrest a number of suspects, and we will spare no effort in bringing every individual responsible for this to justice.”
Reuters' attempts to contact Khadr and members of his family over the past ten days were unsuccessful. The detention of Khadr, whose hacking pseudonym is said to be Ray, represents the latest development in the Shiny Hunters case.
Experts believe that this group, which has a long history of targeting major companies around the world, consists mostly of young English-speaking hackers who focus on data theft and extortion.
An analysis conducted by Reuters of a sample of data published by the Shiny Hunters group revealed that it included extensive personal identification information about FBI employees, sensitive information about their job roles, and psychological and medical information. Khadr's cooperation with investigators may be crucial in helping to contain the damage, or at least understand its extent.
A source said that Khadr showed investigators his electronic devices and digital correspondence to help the FBI determine the whereabouts of his partners.
The source added to Reuters: “His cooperation is important for the ongoing efforts to arrest these electronic hackers.”
The Deputy Governor of Al-Hasakah, Syria, Ahmed Al-Hilali, confirmed on Saturday that the demands of the people during the demonstrations that took place on Friday were “legitimate.” He considered that the description of the reality today that there is still complete control of the dissolved “Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)” over large parts of the governorate “does not reflect the reality of the current stage.”
Al-Hilali said in a statement to Asharq Al-Awsat: “The people in Al-Hasakah coming out to demand strengthening the state’s presence and expanding the spread of its institutions and security forces is an expression of a clear and legitimate demand, which is for state institutions and a single legal reference to be present in all regions of the governorate, and for the citizen to obtain security, services, and his rights through state institutions.”
Several cities and towns in Al-Hasakah, located in the far north-east of Syria, witnessed massive peaceful demonstrations following Friday prayers, demanding the imposition of security and state authority and the strengthening of the presence of its institutions in all areas of the governorate, amid a heavy deployment of internal security forces to enhance security and stability and preserve the safety of participants, families, and public and private property.
These demonstrations came after the announcement of the dissolution of the SDF in late August, according to the January 29, 2026 agreement signed between the Syrian government and the SDF, which stipulated the merging of the former civil, security, and military institutions of the “Self-Administration” with the state structures. As the integration process continues to be implemented, a large number of residents are complaining about the lack of effective control by the Syrian state over large parts of the governorate, according to what Suhaib al-Yarubi, an activist from the Arab tribes in Hasakah, who was one of the most prominent advocates of Friday’s demonstrations, says. Al-Yarbi pointed out, in a statement to Asharq Al-Awsat, that the SDF, despite its announcement of its dissolution, “still maintains its absolute grip on major cities such as Al-Hasakah, Qamishli, Al-Malikiyah, Amuda, Al-Darbasiyah, Al-Qahtaniyah, Al-Jawadiyah, Ma’abadah, and Rmelan.”
However, Al-Hilali, Deputy Governor of Al-Hasakah, expressed in his statement to Asharq Al-Awsat his belief that the description of the reality today that there is still “full SDF control” over large parts of the governorate “does not reflect the reality of the current stage, especially after Mazloum Abdi (SDF commander) announced its dissolution.”
He explained: “We are facing a path that has moved from the stage of understandings to the stage of actual implementation. Over the past months, the governorate has witnessed fundamental steps in this direction, whether at the level of civil, military, or security institutions, leading to the announcement of the dissolution of (SDF) on August 25, and the subsequent measures to accelerate the integration process.”
As for the January 29 agreement, great progress has been made in its implementation, but full implementation, according to Al-Hilal, does not mean just a political declaration, but rather requires the completion of precise administrative, security and military procedures, including auditing data, identifying needs, organizing cadres, and finally establishing legal, administrative and security references. This, by its nature, he added, is a process that requires “gradual measures and not a decision implemented in one day.” He explained that the January 29 agreement essentially stipulated the merging of civil institutions in the state, the integration of military and security elements within the Ministries of Defense and Interior, and the state handing over institutions, crossings and resources according to the agreed-upon mechanisms.
He continued that the remaining files are essentially executive files and are not a dispute over the principle of state unity. The most important of which is completing internal security arrangements, activating state institutions and service and judicial departments, completing the organization of the conditions of the elements included in the merger, and unifying the security and administrative authority, in addition to files related to the safe return of displaced persons, and the removal of war remnants and mines. Al-Hilali pointed out, “In the security aspect specifically, the deployment of the Internal Security Forces affiliated with the Ministry of Interior began as part of a phased plan to cover the security needs in the governorate, reactivate police stations, and spread road security, and this path is gradually expanding.”
Arabic component
According to Al-Yaarabi, the “Arab component,” which represents the majority in the governorate, complains of continuous restrictions and arrest campaigns by the so-called “revolutionary youth” affiliated with the dissolved “SDF.” But Al-Hilali stressed, in his statement, the state’s clear rejection of the “Arab component” being subjected to systematic restrictions or arrests on the basis of Arab affiliation, and its rejection of any violation against any citizen, whether Arab, Kurdish, or from any other component, explaining that “our standard in the next stage is the law, and there cannot be security or administration outside state institutions, and no group or organization can be allowed to exercise security or administrative powers outside the official authority.”
He added: “With regard to what is being raised about the Revolutionary Youth or any other groups, our position is clear: the end of any security or paramilitary influence or activity outside state institutions is an essential part of completing integration and ending the duality that the governorate has suffered from for years,” stressing that “the state does not work with the logic of replacing one party with another, but rather works to completely end the multiplicity of authorities, so that weapons and security and administrative decisions are exclusively within state institutions.”
Al-Hilali preferred not to give a deadline for completing the merger. He added: “We are working according to an executive schedule and successive stages, and whenever the administrative, security and technical files are completed, we move to the next stage, but the political and executive direction is settled: Al-Hasakah Governorate is part of the Syrian state, and state institutions are the only reference, and this is what we are working to establish practically on the ground.”
He expressed his belief that Friday's demonstrations “also carry a positive message, as the citizen in Al-Hasakah, with all its components, wants security, stability, and the return of institutions and services, and wants to see the state present by his side.” This is our responsibility, and we will continue to work to achieve it calmly and gradually, in a way that preserves the security of the people and the rights of all components of the governorate without exception.”
The “Arab component” in Al-Hasakah calls on the government to marginalize its members in the process of joining the Internal Security Forces, while 5 to 6 thousand members of the “SDF” were absorbed under the merger process. Al-Yarbi said, in this context, “Al-Hasakah Governorate actually needs approximately 20,000 security personnel to control it, and here a logical question arises about what prevents the absorption of 15,000 Arabs to bridge the gap and create a real balance that preserves the rights of the majority and manages the region realistically, away from the monopoly of the security authority.” He added: “The Syrian state can control Al-Hasakah, within the agreement, by subjugating the Arab people of the region and not being limited to SDF elements.”
Al-Yarbi revealed that preparations are currently underway for demonstrations in the governorate next Friday, under the slogan “There is no flag but the flag of the homeland,” during which the national flag of Syria, which includes all components, will be raised.
