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Back没有强迫硬说强迫!你说强迫就是强迫?
没有强迫硬说强迫!你说强迫就是强迫?
Politics
中国新闻网25 minutes agoPolitics9 min readChinaView translation

没有强迫硬说强迫!你说强迫就是强迫?

Quick Look

新疆利用盐碱水发展的水产养殖业近期遭到美西方部分非营利组织与媒体的抹黑。文章分析了所谓“强迫劳动”指控与供应链审查框架背后的政治算计,指出其缺乏事实依据,旨在对华进行不公打压。

AI-generated summary

Why It Matters

美国国土安全部于2026年7月将新疆天蕴有机农业有限公司等中国企业新增至维吾尔强迫劳动预防法实体清单。

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最近,新疆的“沙漠海鲜”再次走进大众视野。

不同于以往靠盐碱水养出肥美鲑鱼、鳕鱼的硬核实力出圈,这一次,它遭遇了一套非常典型、高度熟练的西方舆论组合拳。

10月9日,华盛顿一个叫“非法海洋项目”的非营利新闻组织发布了一份“从饵料到餐桌”的综合调查,把新疆利用盐碱水和内陆水域养殖鲑鱼、鳕鱼的产业实践,跟“强迫劳动”“供应链违规”“食品安全风险”挂上了钩。

随即,《时代》杂志以“中国想向世界推销新疆养殖鱼”为题跟进报道,一些外媒也集中转发,短时间内形成了一波舆论声势。

这套操作,说穿了并不新鲜。

新疆人吃上本土海鲜,怎么就成了“问题”?

先看事实。

新疆水产养殖已经形成年产约20万吨的产业规模。新疆天蕴有机农业有限公司的鲑鱼年产能达到12000吨,2023年新疆生产了6700吨高品质鲑鱼,占中国内陆鲑鱼产量的三分之一,鲑鱼产业已帮助超过3000人就业。

新疆离海洋远,过去吃海鲜靠长途运输,价格贵、不新鲜。现在利用盐碱水发展内陆养殖,本地百姓餐桌上多了鲑鱼、鳕鱼,价格下来了,品质上去了。

这本来是件改善民生的好事,但美西方有些人偏要把这件事往“强迫劳动”上扯。

2026年7月31日,美国国土安全部依据所谓的“维吾尔强迫劳动预防法”(UFLPA)将43家中国企业新增至实体清单,新疆天蕴有机农业有限公司名列其中。

美方给出的理由是,该公司“参与新疆政府资助的招募和劳务转移项目”,从新疆转移维吾尔、哈萨克和柯尔克孜族人。

在美方的逻辑里,新疆地方政府组织富余劳动力就业,本身就是“强迫劳动”的证据。

这个逻辑成立吗?

如果组织就业就是强迫劳动,那全世界的就业促进政策都该被制裁。

更何况,天蕴有机农业的产品的美誉度,来自于消费者的口碑和大量的国际认证的支撑,不是一份莫须有的材料就能够抹黑的。

美方的真实意图,藏在“从饵料到餐桌”这一框架里。

“非法海洋项目”创始人伊恩·乌尔比纳2026年4月16日出席美国国会及行政当局中国委员会听证会,明确将调查矛头从远洋捕捞延伸至水产养殖领域。

这次调查的战略设计很清晰:把养殖鱼类的饲料来源纳入审查范围。

乌尔比纳在听证会上说,全球约三分之二的水产养殖依赖野生捕捞鱼类制成的鱼粉和鱼油,调查团队追踪了鱼粉从捕捞到养殖场再到终端零售的完整链条。

这套框架的可耻之处在于,即使新疆养殖场本身不存在劳务问题,只要它使用的进口鱼粉来自俄罗斯远东等被指控存在强迫劳动的地区,整条供应链就会被判定为“违规”。

换句话说,美方不是在查新疆的养鱼场,而是在给新疆水产养殖业量身定做一套“无论如何都逃不掉”的审查框架。

更加荒唐的是,美方已经在推动UFLPA执法从海产品加工向水产养殖全链条延伸。

美国“国会—行政部门中国委员会”(CECC)在2026年7月致行政部门的建议,特别关注“中国海鲜加工商、冷链物流企业和捕捞船队运营商”。参议员丹·沙利文提出的“打击外国非法海鲜捕捞法案”已在参议院通过,该法案将建立外国渔船黑名单并授权实施制裁。

这套框架本身站不住脚,国际上看得清楚的大有人在。

“非法海洋项目”的“从饵料到餐桌”设计,本质上是一道有罪推定的算术题。它先把全球水产养殖中鱼粉和鱼油来源的问题摆出来,再把新疆养殖场放进这个预设好的链条里,只要新疆的鱼吃了进口鱼粉,整条供应链就被判定违规。

至于新疆养鱼场本身有没有问题,在这个框架里根本不重要。

西方媒体的操作手法很套路,即在稿件的前半段用秘鲁渔船、鱼粉加工厂等全球多地的行业问题给读者铺垫印象,后半段突然转向新疆三文鱼,重复强迫劳动的老指控,却没有提供任何来自新疆的一手采访证据,而是靠着claim、accuse、most likely这类模糊措辞把主观推测包装成调查发现。

这不是新闻,是给制裁配发的“说明书”。

中国水产流通与加工协会指出,“非法海洋项目”的报告“没有任何事实依据”,仅凭猜测就把雇用维吾尔族工人等同于强迫劳动,并鼓动美欧企业抵制相关中国加工厂,这种持续扩散的抹黑造谣直接危及中国加工厂的正常运营,严重扰乱全球海产品供应链。

美国学者马奥尼(Josef Gregory Mahoney)对这套制裁工具的评价更为根本。他公开指出,UFLPA在国际法上没有合法基础,违反WTO基本规则和国际贸易规范,其执法标准存在致命缺陷,采用的是一种不公平的有罪推定,在没有证据的情况下把所有相关实体当作有罪对待。

美国这套做法,坏在无耻,也坏在没用。

说它坏,是因为它的目标从来不是保护什么劳工权益。

指控的措辞可以换,目标产业的名单可以加长,但操作方式始终是同一种,先有结论,再找框架,最后让企业自己吓自己。

说它没用,是因为这套打法既拿不出证据,也挡不住新疆产业往前走。

新疆三文鱼拿到的食品安全认证清单,比任何一份政治指控都长;2026年,新疆三文鱼预计产量8000吨,海外需求也持续高涨。

美方无论再把哪些新疆产品拉进这审查框架,拉得越多,越让人看清这套框架缺的是证据,多的是政治算计。

最终一败涂地的,只有自身本来就不多的信誉。

What to Watch

AI outlook — possibilities, not facts

  • 新疆三文鱼2026年预计产量将达到8000吨

    Likely · Within months

Open Questions

  • 美方未来是否会进一步扩大水产养殖全链条制裁?
  • 相关企业将采取何种国际法律手段应对指控?

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This article was originally published by 中国新闻网.

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