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Back析論中共對台認知作戰:從傳統媒體併購到數位社群滲透
析論中共對台認知作戰:從傳統媒體併購到數位社群滲透
Politics
自由时报2 hours agoPolitics11 min readChinaView translation

析論中共對台認知作戰:從傳統媒體併購到數位社群滲透

從旺旺、宏達電跨界經營媒體到抖音、小紅書的數位統戰,探討威權體制如何利用台灣民主自由進行紅色滲透。

Quick Look

本文由退休貿易推廣人員吳國棟撰文,回顧台灣媒體發展史中旺旺集團與宏達電等商界大亨跨界併購媒體的爭議,分析中共如何透過「銳實力」與商業利益綁定台商作為白手套,並指出戰場已延伸至抖音、小紅書等數位社群平台的認知作戰,呼應美國模式以維護國家安全。

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Why It Matters

2012年曾發生反媒體壟斷大遊行以阻止旺旺集團併購中嘉系統台。2024年5月最高法院判決認定旺旺集團收受中國補助款為公開事實。

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◎ 吳國棟

日前民視新聞網在回顧台灣媒體發展史時,提及旺旺集團在2008年購下中時集團後,於2010年企圖進一步買下中嘉系統台,最終因公民團體與青年學生於2012年9月發起大規模「反媒體壟斷大遊行」而未能得逞。這段往事曾讓國人深刻警覺到境外勢力干預台灣輿論的危機;然而若抽絲剝繭會發現,這場資訊戰從當年的傳統紙媒電視,到如今的抖音、小紅書等數位社群平台,載體雖變,背後卻隱含著同一個「以商業外衣包裝政治統戰」的紅色滲透。

旺旺集團董事長蔡衍明在2008年購下中時集團後,於2010年企圖進一步買下中嘉系統台,最終因公民團體與青年學生於2012年9月發起大規模「反媒體壟斷大遊行」而未能得逞。(資料照)回顧台灣媒體版圖的洗牌史,最令人不解的莫過於商界大亨的「跨界併購」。在正常的商業邏輯裡,企業併購講求的是垂直整合或產業綜效。然而,製造旺旺仙貝起家的食品財團,為何跨足高度政治敏感的大眾傳播?無獨有偶,從事HTC智慧型手機的宏達電董座王雪紅,也透過併購達成對TVBS的百分之百持股。在傳統媒體因數位衝擊而陷入虧損的當下,這群在各自領域呼風喚雨的精明商人,為何不約而同地砸下鉅資、跨界經營自己外行的媒體?

宏達電董事長暨執行長王雪紅,也透過併購達成對TVBS的百分之百持股。(資料照)從自由市場的角度來看,這極不合理;但若從地緣政治審視,這正呼應了國際權威智庫在研究中共「銳實力」(Sharp Power)時多次指出的核心模式。國際情報界與國安智庫指出,威權中國最擅長鎖定在該國擁有巨大商業利益的台灣財團,透過「在地協力者」的影子模式進行跨國資本併購。這群跨界入主媒體的台商,共通點在於中國擁有龐大的既得利益、廠房或特許市場。中國政府無需直接出資,只需以政策補貼、減稅優惠或行政特許為牽引,商人便會在無形的政治期許或求生本能下充當白手套。這種「外表是純台資商業行為,內裡卻是政治意志延伸」的洗腦戰術,比直接用外資插旗更具隱蔽性,也更難防範。

赴中設廠的台商多如牛毛,威權體制如何挑選合作對象?智庫分析指出,中共通常會挑選市占率極高或資產規模大到無法輕易撤走的頂級大企業,並對其採取軟硬兼施的「拉打策略」。在「軟」的方面,給予鉅額補貼與內需特許利潤;在「硬」的方面,則以繁複的行政審查、稅務或消防檢查作為無形大棒。在這種胡蘿蔔與大棒的雙重夾擊下,這些台商在中國的核心事業實際上形同「資本人質」。當台灣主流媒體出現收購機會時,這群商人便容易順應特定政治期許返台出資,成為威權國家利用台灣民主體制進行輿論布建的白手套。

智庫分析指出,中共通常會挑選市占率極高或資產規模大到無法輕易撤走的頂級大企業,並對其採取軟硬兼施的「拉打策略」;示意圖。(美聯社)這種隱蔽的代理人結構,正是郭台銘在2019年角逐總統提名初選時,親手撕開的紅色滲透黑盒子。郭台銘當時稱蔡衍明是「國台辦打手」。有趣的是,蔡衍明事後並未對郭台銘提出告訴,而是對引述該段言論的電視主持人陳凝觀與壹電視展開法律追訴,意圖透過訴訟對媒體界營造寒蟬效應。所幸台灣最高法院於2024年5月做出最終裁決,認定旺旺集團收受中國高額補助款是公開財報揭露的事實,媒體引述郭台銘的言論進行公共事務討論,屬於「善意評論」與「可受公評之事」,判決蔡衍明敗訴定讞。

蔡衍明(右)不滿被陳凝觀(左)指為「國台辦狗腿」,提告求償300萬並登報道歉,一審判蔡敗訴,高院審理認證屬「善意言論」,再判蔡敗訴。(資料照、翻攝自YouTube,本報合成)

這場指標性判決,不僅捍衛了新聞自由,更撕開了民主體制面對威權滲透時最脆弱的「體制不對等性」。

時至今日,隨著傳統媒體式微,戰場已轉移到了抖音、小紅書等數位社群平台上。國內部分深藍親中人士,頻繁利用這些社群平台向台灣民眾展示「中國高鐵多快、大樓多高、電子支付多方便」。這類宣傳手法極具欺騙性,它不談僵化的政治口號,而是透過精美的「硬體建設崇拜」進行去政治化的洗腦。

這些社群平台的內容推薦「演算法」軟體還會利用「你愛看什麼、就自動餵你吃什麼」的投其所好機制,向台灣用戶刻意放大台灣內部政治惡鬥、物價上漲、治安問題等負面亂象。

威權的中國可以隨意在國內封鎖Facebook、YouTube、Instagram與外國媒體,卻利用民主國家的自由環境,將自家的社群工具作為認知穿透的利器。這種對比式的認知引導,除了掩蓋威權體制下剝奪人民言論自由與人權的殘酷現實外,並進而摧毀台灣人對自身民主制度的信任。

中國可以肆意在國內封鎖Facebook、YouTube、Instagram等媒體,卻利用民主國家的自由環境,將自家的社群工具作為認知穿透的利器;示意圖。(路透)

面對這場數位統戰,台灣勢必需要建立防衛機制。美國在對抗抖音提供了一個極佳的借鏡:美國不走專制國家「封網」的老路,而是透過法律強制進行資本重組,稀釋中國母公司的持股至20%以下,並將演算法、用戶數據與內容審核完全「本地化」,成功在保障言論自由的同時、守住了國家安全防線。

歷史是一面鏡子。從賣仙貝與做手機的跨界辦媒體,到如今鋪天蓋地的短影音,中共對台的「認知作戰」(Cognitive Warfare)從未間斷,只是手段變得更加軟性、隱蔽且難防。台灣人必須保持高度的警覺心,體認到社群平台已成為地緣政治的交鋒戰場。唯有看清威權體制「以民主破壞民主」的套路,我們才能在守護言論自由的同時,築起堅固的民主防衛島嶼。

Open Questions

  • 台灣未來將如何具體立法防範抖音等數位社群平台的認知作戰?

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