
國立陽明交通大學退休教授林健正以「韓流」對照「洋流」,提醒我們勿低估選舉浪潮;然而回顧1998年台北市長選舉與歷年案例,高滿意度或群眾熱度未必等同選票,真正的關鍵仍在水面下的選民結構與具體市政能力。
本文由自由撰稿人蕭錫惠撰文,探討台北市長選舉中沈伯洋的「洋流」現象與民調緊繃局勢。文章援引1998年陳水扁高滿意度卻落選的歷史經驗,以及2018年韓流的變化,指出群眾熱度與聲量無法直接換算成選票,選民結構與具體市政治理能力才是勝負關鍵。
AI-generated summary
文章對比了2018年高雄市長選舉的「韓流」、2026年台北市長選舉中沈伯洋的「洋流」現象,並回顧1998年台北市長選舉陳水扁高滿意度卻落選的歷史數據。
◎ 蕭錫惠
國立陽明交通大學退休教授林健正,以2018年的「韓流」對照2026年的「洋流」,提醒我們不要低估選舉浪潮。但如果把時間再往前推二十年,回到1998年的台北市長選舉,還可以看到更深層的問題:浪潮看得見,選民結構卻藏在水面之下。
今年沈伯洋的選舉活動出現「洋流」現象。9月22日信民兩岸研究協會民調顯示,蔣萬安41.7%、沈伯洋40.5%,相差1.2個百分點。但群眾熱度與單一時間點的民調,都不能直接換算成最後選票。
雖然民進黨台北市長參選人沈伯洋颳起洋流旋風,但群眾熱度與單一時間點的民調,都不能直接換算成最後選票。(資料照)
「洋流」甚至延伸到各種政治符號。10月4日沈伯洋競選總部成立,蔡康永被拍到出現在現場;他事後表示自己是「來見識一下」。西門町也出現印有「你的市長沈伯洋」的雞蛋糕,後因房東電話關切而停止販售,至於所謂「上面」究竟是誰,目前沒有公開證據確認。這些現象反映的是選舉熱度,不能直接預示選票。
1998年的台北市長選舉,正好提供另一個觀察角度。
陳水扁1994年以43.67%得票率當選台北市長,四年後尋求連任,得票率反而提高到45.91%,最後仍敗給馬英九的51.13%。政治大學相關研究指出,陳水扁任內施政滿意度常保持在七成以上。
為什麼高滿意度仍然敗選?
相關研究顯示,當時政黨認同、省籍背景、統獨立場及中國人/台灣人認同,都與分裂投票具有統計上的關聯。這提醒我們:候選人受到肯定,與選民最後把票投給他,是兩件不同的事。
這不是說1998年一定會在2026年重演。將近三十年後,台北的人口、世代與政治認同都已改變,不能直接套用當年的結論。真正應該檢驗的,是今天的選民如何評價候選人,以及治理能力能否落實在住宅、交通、長照、無障礙環境、教育與公共建設等具體市政。
台北市長選舉真正該檢驗的,是今天的選民如何評價候選人,以及治理能力能否落實在住宅、交通、長照、無障礙環境、教育與公共建設等具體市政;示意圖。(資料照)
2018年,韓國瑜的大型群眾動員轉化為高雄市長選舉勝利;到了2020年總統大選,大型造勢卻沒有產生相同結果。1998年的台北則留下另一個值得記住的事實:高施政滿意度,也不保證連任。
從韓流到洋流,真正值得觀察的,不只是浪有多高,更是水面下的結構有多深。
但願台北市民不只看一時的聲量,而能仔細檢驗每一位候選人的能力、政策與實際表現,用自己的判斷,選出能把台北治理好的人。
(作者為自由撰稿人)
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