The attack on King Khalid Airport in Riyadh on Saturday was another dangerous moment in a region already rife with tension and conflict.
Saudi Arabia was not prepared for this.
The coalition announces that Riyadh Airport was subjected to a new attack and the destruction of a missile in its vicinity
In recent weeks, the Ansar Allah group (the Houthis) have escalated their attacks on Saudi territory, but during the past few days they targeted vital infrastructure in the country, the main airport of the capital, and it appears that the attack easily penetrated Saudi air defenses.
The physical damage can be repaired quickly, but the country's reputation as a safe haven for stability is faltering.
In addition to all the attacks on airports, the Houthis sought to control important strategic locations along the Red Sea coast and around the Bab al-Mandab Strait. This increases the risks that threaten the safety of navigation through this vital sea lane, even though the Yemeni government says it has “secured” the strait.
The civil war in Yemen between the internationally recognized government, supported by Saudi Arabia, and the Houthis, supported by Iran, has been continuing for more than a decade. It has claimed the lives of several thousand people and pushed Yemen into one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world.
It is a complex and often confusing geopolitical conflict, and this latest escalation should be viewed in the broader context of existing tension between Iran, the United States, and Israel.
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The Kingdom has not faced such a serious threat since the armed operations led by Al-Qaeda between 2003 and 2007.
The Saudi government was able to overcome this challenge through an effective campaign to win hearts and minds. It then withstood the Arab Spring uprisings across the region, which toppled leaders in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and Yemen.
Saudi Arabia also weathered, albeit with some discomfort, an Iranian ballistic missile attack on Riyadh in March.
But it's different this time. Saudi Arabia may have one of the most powerful air forces in the Middle East, and it is carrying out devastating air strikes on Houthi positions. However, the opposing forces were able to control large parts of the country, especially in the north and west.
But the Houthis are well aware of where to direct their counterstrikes: at the soft side of the Saudi economy.
As part of the “Axis of Resistance,” the Houthis constitute an important strategic partner for Iran. The Houthis launch attacks with drones and explosive missiles with deadly precision from Jizan on the Red Sea to the Khurais petrochemical complex.
The shipping route through the Red Sea is more important than ever, because the Strait of Hormuz, located on the other side of the Gulf, has not been fully reopened since the United States and Iran failed to reach an agreement to end their war.
Targeting ships in the Red Sea is another means through which the Houthis are trying to use pressure cards, as these attacks cause global economic damage, and this serves as an important negotiating card for Tehran.
The White House announced at the beginning of September that it would not intervene directly in the conflict in Yemen, but that it might provide intelligence support to the Saudis. He later confirmed that he was providing them with intelligence information, and that he had deployed military experts in Saudi Arabia.
But the situation may have entered a new turn following the recent attack on Riyadh, which resulted in the death of an American citizen.
US President Donald Trump, speaking with reporters, described Saturday's attack as "horrific" and indicated that he might intervene militarily alongside Saudi Arabia.
“We have just learned of the latest attack, so we will make a decision,” he said. “We are moving very quickly.”
But that seems unlikely at the present time, at least before the crucial US midterm elections next month.
When Trump is re-elected in 2024, he pledges to end the US role in wars around the world. However, the United States is currently engaged in three unresolved conflicts in the Middle East, in Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran.
