The celebrations that Serbia witnessed following the student movement's sweeping electoral victory were not merely an expression of the opposition's victory over power. Rather, it seemed like a moment of liberation from 14 years of rule in which powers were concentrated in the hands of one person, during which the role of institutions declined, media freedoms receded, and the circle of corruption and nepotism expanded, according to opponents; With Aleksandar Vucic admitting defeat in the early elections held on October 25, Serbia seemed to be entering a new political phase, the most prominent of which is that regimes that appear established may become vulnerable to falling when societal resentment exceeds the ability to bear.
But overthrowing power does not necessarily mean building an alternative democratic system; The student movement that achieved this victory now faces a more difficult test than the elections themselves. Can it transform popular mobilization into independent institutions, restore the rule of law, and combat corruption, without falling into the mistakes of the forces that preceded it?
* From the tragedy of Novi Sad to a national uprising
The story began two years ago on November 1, 2024, when a concrete canopy collapsed at the Novi Sad train station, killing 16 people. For the students and protesters, the tragedy was not just an accident; Rather, it was an embodiment of a deeper problem related to corruption and the lack of oversight and accountability.
From the beginning, the protesters demanded the disclosure of documents related to the station’s restoration work, the identification of responsibilities, and the holding of those involved accountable. There was no adequate response, and no judicial rulings were issued against those responsible for the disaster.
Over time, the protests went beyond demanding justice in a specific case, and turned into a broad movement against a political system that had lost its popularity, while citizens from different backgrounds and regions joined it. The mobilization reached the point of organizing rallies in the capital, Belgrade, which sometimes included about 200,000 people, becoming one of the most prominent popular movements that confronted Vucic’s rule.
* Breaking the barrier of fear
One of the most important aspects of this transformation was that society regained its ability to express its rejection. In a country where, according to the protesters’ account, citizens are accustomed to witnessing corruption and nepotism in the details of their daily lives; From access to services to employment opportunities, the movement has become an inclusive space to transcend fear and engage in public action.
The movements were not limited to the capital or major cities; Rather, it spread throughout the country, and the students organized remarkable symbolic initiatives, including cycling to Strasbourg and organizing a relay race to Brussels, in reference to their connection to Europe and their vision of a different political future.
However, the movement did not raise European flags at its rallies, which raised questions about its position on joining the European Union. One analysis explains this by the protesters’ disappointment with the positions of European leaders who visited Serbia and expressed support for the government. Therefore, the students chose to focus on internal affairs to rebuild state institutions and fight corruption, rather than waiting for external intervention.
A public European signal in support of the students' demands did not appear until the spring of 2025, when the European Union Enlargement Commissioner, Marta Kos, announced that the Union shared those demands.
* Democracy from the bottom up
The movement's success was not the result of traditional leadership or the work of a political party with a vertical leadership hierarchy and an electoral apparatus; The students adopted a horizontal method of organizing, through lengthy general meetings and deliberations in which those with different opinions participated. After an extensive vetting process, the movement submitted a list of 250 candidates for the parliamentary elections.
It was an unusual test of direct and participatory democracy, at a time when many observers doubted the ability of a movement without a clear central leadership to become an effective electoral force. But the result was decisive: the student list obtained about 53 percent of the votes, compared to 39 percent for the Vucic camp, and achieved a practical parliamentary majority in elections that witnessed the highest participation rate in more than 3 decades.
Vucic's downfall came after Petr Magar's victory in Hungary over Viktor Orban, proving that defeating an authoritarian leader through elections is possible. Vucic's acceptance of the result, rather than resorting to a broad confrontation or rejecting defeat, allowed for a smoother transition of power.
However, the Serbian experience also brings to mind the lessons of 2000, when Slobodan Milosevic was overthrown; Not all of the forces that benefited from the change succeeded in building a system free of corruption, and some of them ended in scandals and attempts to monopolize power.
*The hardest challenge starts now
The next government will face a country in which pro-Vucic networks of influence remain present in its formal and informal institutions; The Serbian Progressive Party, despite its loss, retained 105 seats in the 250-seat parliament. Reforming the judiciary and the media, confronting organized crime, and dismantling networks of entrenched interests will not be achieved simply by making quick decisions.
A comprehensive investigation into the Novi Sad disaster will likely be the first political and moral test for the new government; Accountability in this case is not only about holding officials accountable, but rather about showing that the law applies to everyone, and that electoral promises can be transformed into tangible results.
It also highlights the dilemma of the economy, which has relied heavily on foreign investments since the disintegration of Yugoslavia. The authority’s relations were linked to foreign companies implementing projects that sparked controversy, including the lithium extraction project pursued by Rio Tinto. The student movement believes that changing the political system is a condition for addressing the structure that allows the intersection of economic interests and political influence.
Externally, the transformation will not be easy, because the movement’s base includes supporters of the European Union, others sympathetic to Russia, as well as opponents of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Therefore, a quick reversal in Serbian foreign policy, which has long been based on balancing between major powers, is not expected. The issue of Kosovo, which separated from Serbia and declared its independence unilaterally in 2008, will remain a red line, while military neutrality remains an obstacle to rapprochement with NATO.
Rapprochement with the European Union may constitute the most potential area for progress, especially since the rule of law, freedom of the media, and the fight against corruption intersect with Brussels’ conditions for the accession path.
* The end of an era or the beginning of a new test?
The Serbian experience confirms that bottom-up change is possible, even under unequal electoral conditions. But it also confirms that victory over an authoritarian leader does not automatically end the effects of years of concentration of power and weakening of institutions.
Between the euphoria of liberation and the difficulty of governance, the real battle over Serbia's future begins now: Will these elections be the end of a new authoritarian cycle? Or just another chapter in the history of a country still searching for stable democracy?
It must be noted that this country, located in the sensitive Balkan region, has always been supportive of Russia, which has lost an ally in Hungary and now in Serbia, and it is no wonder that we will soon see Kremlin circles accusing an external hand of supporting the protest movement to get rid of Vucic...
