Obliging officials to use “Arabic” sparks a political controversy in Mauritania

On Tuesday, the Minister of Culture, Arts, Communication and Relations with Parliament, and spokesman for the Mauritanian government, Mohamed Ould Bebaneh, issued a circular obligating his sector officials to use the Arabic language in correspondence, memos, reports and documents addressed to his office, a day after he assumed his duties as successor to former Minister Hussein Ould Madou.

The decision, which goes into effect immediately after its signing, has brought back to the forefront an old debate about language and identity in Mauritania. The conflict has raged between Arabic speakers and French speakers since the era of French colonization of the country, and even after independence in 1960.

Ould Bebaneh was a member of Parliament from the opposition “Bloc of Democratic Forces” party, and he emerged at the time as one of the most famous and oratorical representatives. He recently served as Mauritania’s ambassador to Doha, before his appointment in the government that was announced on October 10.

As soon as he was appointed, voices in the opposition began to criticize his choice for the position of government spokesman, especially French speakers. Opposition activist Abdel Nasser Bebe said that he “does not speak any language other than his mother tongue, Arabic,” wondering: “How will he answer the questions of non-Arabic-speaking journalists?” How will he talk to foreign diplomats?

The minister’s decision to impose the Arabic language in administrative correspondence addressed to his office came to add fuel to the fire of the raging controversy, in what some commentators described as an indirect response from the minister to his critics, to assure them that “Arabic” is the country’s official language according to the text of the constitution.

Constitutional decision

On the other hand, the “Popular Campaign for the Empowerment of the Arabic Language,” an initiative launched by figures from civil society to support the presence of the Arabic language in the Mauritanian administration, celebrated the decision of the new Minister of Culture, and said that it “contributes to activating Article Six of the Mauritanian Constitution, and will bring the administration’s services closer to the citizen.” It also called on “all other government sectors and departments to issue similar circulars consecrating the presence of the Arabic language in the administration, as it is the official language of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania.”

Lawyer Mohamed Al-Mamy Moulay Ali said that the step is “plausible,” and recalls a constitutional obligation that extends to the official work of the state. He called for reviewing the description of those learning “Arabic” as “monolingual,” and those learning “French” as “bilingual,” saying that bilingualism is measured by proficiency, not by the language of study.

Constitutional background

Article VI of the Mauritanian Constitution stipulates that “the official language is Arabic,” while there are national languages that are the local dialects (Hassaniya, Pular, Soninke, and Wolof), but the French language is still strongly present in the administration. It was the country's only official language in the 1961 Constitution, following independence from France.

“Arabic” became an official language under a constitutional amendment in 1968, in the midst of disputes over the language at that time between Arabs and Negroes, in which many were killed, when the authorities decided to compel “Arabic” in education, which the Negroes rejected.

In 1980, the Military Council, then ruling, declared “Arabic” the sole official language. The dispute over the language in the Mauritanian administration has been an integral part of the political debate since the 1960s.

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi confirmed earlier this month that his country “does not have any hidden agendas,” and that it has “no ambitions toward anyone.” He stressed that the “peace treaty” between Egypt and Israel represents a governing framework for relations between the two sides. However, this message of reassurance did not allay fears in Tel Aviv, as the Israeli Finance Minister, Bezalel Smotrich, repeated his provocative statements towards Cairo, questioning those reassurances.

Smotrich said, in a televised interview on Monday, that he was “not reassured by President Sisi’s statements regarding the lack of Egyptian intentions to wage war against Israel.” He added that his country would ensure that Egypt would not attack it if Cairo realized that “the next time they attack there will not be Sinai,” as he put it.

Smotrich continued, explaining: “One of the lessons of October 7, 2023 is that we must be prepared, not for the enemies’ intentions, but for their capabilities, and Egypt has capabilities.”

These statements come in the wake of a controversy raised by previous statements by the extreme right-wing minister regarding Sinai. He said in a previous interview, coinciding with Egypt’s celebration of the fifty-third anniversary of the victory of the October 6 War, 1973, that “Egypt will lose Sinai if it attacks Israel,” which prompted the Egyptian president to comment during an educational symposium for the Egyptian Armed Forces, celebrating the anniversary of the October War, this month, on Smotrich’s statements, saying that he heard and followed the Israeli minister’s statements about Sinai, and confirmed that “Egypt’s first and last goal is to maintain its security and stability, and preserve the capabilities of its people.”

Al-Sisi added that the “peace treaty” signed between Egypt and Israel in 1979 represents a governing framework for relations between the two sides.

In March 1979, Egypt and Israel signed a peace treaty under American sponsorship, which led to a complete Israeli withdrawal from Sinai in stages, but in recent years, and specifically since the outbreak of the “Gaza War” in October 2023, relations have witnessed tension.

Al-Sisi’s comment was preceded by an Egyptian source confirming earlier this month, according to what was reported by the official Middle East News Agency, that his country categorically refuses to include the name “Sinai” in the Finance Minister’s statements, describing them as “empty threats,” and affirming at the time “Egypt’s ability to protect its lands and independence.”

In this context, the expert in strategic and military affairs, Major General Samir Faraj, believes that these statements are due to the fact that Israel is going through a phase of parliamentary elections, in which competition is escalating between the various parties. He explained to Asharq Al-Awsat that during such periods, “some seek to adopt a hard-line discourse to convince the Israeli voter that he is the most concerned about the security of the state, and the most capable of protecting it from surrounding threats, and thus gaining political support.”

The Israeli Knesset elections begin on October 27 to elect 120 members of Parliament, followed by the formation of a government coalition and the selection of a new prime minister.

Faraj explains that after this date, “such statements will not appear, and therefore they should not be paid attention to or given attention.”

In addition, social media platforms in Egypt witnessed a sharp attack on Smotrich, after renewing his threat regarding Sinai, and the majority of interactions focused on rejecting the Israeli minister’s statements, stressing that “Sinai is not material for show or political consumption.”

Some platform leaders also suggested that these statements “are evidence of a state of anxiety within Israel, and an indication of its leaders’ fears of Egyptian power.”

While others received the statements with a sense of national pride, recalling the historical memory of the October 1973 War, and referring to the capabilities of the Egyptian army.

Sarcasm was not absent from the “social” comments, as users resorted to mocking the Israeli statements to reduce their impact and mock their content.

Parliamentarians and media professionals entered the line of attack against Smotrich, on Tuesday, as a member of the House of Representatives and media figure, Mustafa Bakri, sharply attacked the Israeli minister, saying through his account on “X”: “I hope you remember the lesson of October 1973.”

The journalist, Ahmed Moussa, also attacked the Israeli minister for questioning President Sisi’s words, adding via “X”: “The Zionist entity must stop talking about Sinai completely.”

In turn, the “Hamat al-Watan” party, in a statement on Tuesday, condemned the statements of the Israeli Finance Minister, stressing that he “crossed all red lines with his explicit threat to Egypt.” The party described these statements as “unbecoming of the lowest rules of international relations, and represent direct incitement and an open call to expand the circle of conflict in the region.”

The movements of General Saddam Haftar, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Libyan National Army, at the Al-Waw military base in the southwest of the country highlight the security challenges facing the border in the southern Fezzan region.

Concern about these risks is exacerbated in light of repeated attacks, since last February, on military sites launched by an armed group, led by Muhammad Wardgu, who, despite their decline, local reports recently indicate that they are seeking to regain their influence through alliances in the west of the country.

On Monday, Saddam Haftar was keen to highlight the goal of his visit, and to clarify that it comes as part of his field tours to follow up on efforts to secure the borders and protect Libyan sovereignty. He met with the officers and soldiers stationed at the base, and learned about the tasks assigned to them in securing the region and combating cross-border gangs. He also sought to stress, in statements following the visit, the importance of continuing to combat smuggling and organized crime, indicating that the vision of the General Command of the South is not limited to protecting the borders, but also includes establishing security, advancing development, and stimulating the economy.

Military researcher Muhammad al-Tarhouni, who is close to the General Command, highlighted reports of meetings and movements of Muhammad Wardago, the leader of what is known as the “Southern Liberation Operations Room,” with armed groups in western Libya. He saw that parties - which he did not name - “are seeking to re-shuffle the cards in the south, in conjunction with indications of international rapprochement to advance the political process and end the division,” according to what he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Local reports often spoke of links between Wardago and the “National Unity” government in western Libya, but a prominent government official in the “Unity” government denied, in a previous statement to Asharq Al-Awsat, the existence of a relationship of this kind. There was no independent evidence available to determine the nature of the connections between the two parties.

The “Al-Waw Base” is located in southwestern Libya, within a desert area close to the borders with Niger and Chad. Its importance stems from its location within a broad security scope that is difficult to control, in which cross-border movement paths overlap with the challenges of smuggling and the activity of armed groups.

Since last February, there have been repeated attacks targeting strategic points and army bases, some of which were attributed to the group led by Wardjo. The attack on the Al-Toum border crossing with Niger was one of the most prominent operations linked to its activity. Libyan tribes and municipalities also announced their denunciation of previous attacks attributed to the group.

Border Security was strongly present during Saddam Haftar's visit to the Al-Waw base, where he announced the continued development of the border protection, management and monitoring system, within a contracted project to be implemented by the Turkish Aktecnik company.

Last July, the unrest on the southern Libyan border and the expansion of arms and drug trafficking operations prompted the General Command of the National Army, led by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, to expand its cooperation with a Turkish company, with the aim of extending control over the vast strip.

Saddam Haftar's messages were not limited to the military aspect, but he also talked about infrastructure projects, including the Sirte-Sukna-Sebha international road, the free zone in Sirte, and the maintenance of roads between the cities of the south, in addition to reviving agricultural projects that had been neglected for years. He said that these projects aim to strengthen connectivity between the north and south of the country, and open trade and investment horizons with neighboring African countries.

He also praised the social components in Fezzan, saying that they reject attempts to undermine the security of the south, and pledged to continue supporting the residents of the region and improving services and living conditions.

The link between security and development reflects an approach to providing stability in the South, as it is also linked to improving infrastructure and expanding economic opportunities, and not to military deployment alone.

On Tuesday, the General Command reported part of Saddam Haftar’s visit to the municipality of Harawa, where he was received by sheikhs and notables of the Awlad Suleiman, Jamaat and Lamamra tribes.

According to the General Command, the sheikhs and notables of the tribes of the municipality of Harawa welcomed the visit of the Deputy Commander-in-Chief, expressing their deep appreciation for the role of the General Command of the Armed Forces in maintaining security and stability, and affirming their support for its efforts to protect the nation, preserve its sovereignty and preserve its unity.

For his part, Saddam Haftar praised the “national role” of the Awlad Suleiman, Jamaat and Lamamra tribes, and the honorable positions they presented throughout history, praising their support for the armed forces during the “Battle of Dignity,” and their role in preserving the social fabric and supporting national reconciliation efforts.