In June 2026, dozens of lawyers, activists, and civil and political figures filed an urgent lawsuit against the Independent High Electoral Commission to invalidate electoral procedures in a district in Tunis because four members of the commission had completed their parliamentary terms since May 9.
But the lawsuit, which the nascent civil movement “Nafs” announced its adoption and support, later turned into a starting point for introducing itself in the street as a movement that was rapidly leading the wave of protests in Tunisia in defense of the restoration of the democratic system, the independence of the judiciary, and freedom of expression, at a time when the activity of opposition parties, civil society, and long-established national organizations declined sharply.
What do we know about “Nafs”?
d The movement defines itself as “an independent citizen dynamic, founded to defend rights and freedoms, and the state of law and democracy.” It does not include members and leaders in the literal sense, but it is a community initiative open to all political and civil movements.
The coordinator of the movement, Hossam Al-Hami, explained in an interview with DW Arabia that “Nafs” aims to continue the movement and attract Tunisians with their various affiliations and unify the intersections without distinction on political or regional grounds, and the golden rule in this is that all Tunisians have the right to demonstrate and protest.
As a result, the movement includes a combination of several affiliations, including Islamists, liberals, and leftist movements, as well as lawyers and youth activists, but it does not seek to be a political base. The goal is to find a balance on the ground that includes all parties and sensitivities, as Hossam Al-Hamy says.
In the official statement of the movement, activists under the banner of “Nafs” clearly declare that it is not a political party, nor a political or electoral front, nor a framework for merging or eliminating differences, but rather a citizen space for joint action on issues related to defending rights, freedoms, and the rule of law, and about the dignity of male and female citizens and their basic rights to water, food, medicine, electricity, health, education, and decent living.
Hossam Al-Hami told DW Arabia, "Confronting tyranny is not by reproducing exclusion, but by defending pluralism, diversity, and the right to difference, as they are indispensable foundations for any democratic life."
Until August, Nafs succeeded in creating momentum around it in the street, as its movement was based on an assessment of the outcome of five years of President Kais Saied’s rule since he announced exceptional measures in the country on July 25, 2021, in addition to his first term when he was elected for the first time in 2019.
This move is accompanied by a complex economic and social situation that Tunisia is experiencing due to the rise in prices and cost of living, the decline in services in vital sectors such as health and transportation, and frequent water outages. The situation reaches its peak with repeated power outages for several hours and a bottled water crisis in the heat of the day.
Although "Nafs" was gradually able to attract dissatisfied parties against the political and social situation in peaceful protests that included sectors of the youth, the movement does not present a detailed program for its future activity. Hossam explains that the goal at this stage is to reach common perceptions with the rest of the parties and civil society.
Why did “Nafs” succeed?
In Tunisia's scorching summer between June and August, "Nafs" led five street movements at a time when the voices of long-standing national organizations such as the Tunisian General Labor Union were greatly diminished, especially after the authority's decision to stop automatic deductions from workers' salaries to finance the organization, along with political parties, most of whose symbols are in prison.
Independent human rights activist Masoud Al-Ramadani, in his comment to DW Arabia, attributed the reason for this momentum around the movement to be that it succeeded in presenting itself as a movement far from political polarization, as evidenced by its ability to accommodate completely heterogeneous political currents such as the Free Constitutional Party and the Islamic Ennahdha Movement, a number of whose members appeared side by side in the “Nafs” marches, which is a rare thing in light of the great hostility between the two parties.
But other than that, observers believe that the state of desertification, which has led to partisan and association activity, the spread of fear of security arrests, prosecution by the authorities and the judiciary, and other factors, have contributed to the emergence of “Nafs” as an alternative in the street.
In his interview with DW Arabia, trade union activist in Sfax, Khaled Ghali, explains the reasons for the emergence of the “Nafs” movement, starting with the great publicity that the movement received on social media sites, which have a great influence among young people, to other factors such as the reluctance of public opinion from parties and organizations due to the crisis of confidence, and the success of the authorities after July 25 in imposing its vision of removing intermediary bodies (parties and organizations).
The trade unionist adds that the multiple trials of politicians in cases of “conspiracy against state security” or those related to Decree 54, which regulates crimes related to information communication systems, have increased the state of fear of all public activity.
Awakening and after?
But despite the state of stagnation experienced by the intermediary bodies, the “Nafs” movement is credited with having sparked a state of awakening after its last movement on August 20, which is confirmed by human rights activist Masoud Al-Ramadhani.
Al-Ramadhani explained to DW Arabia that the “Nafs” movement initiative was important in overcoming the state of emptiness in the street and moving stagnant waters, but it is not enough alone to tip the balance, as it requires support and solidarity from the rest of the organizations and parties.
Several political parties, including the Islamic Ennahda Movement, the Workers' Party, Afek Tounes, the Ettakatol Party for Labor and Liberties, and the Democratic Current, have already issued statements calling for political change.
For their part, the national organizations, namely the Tunisian General Labor Union, the Tunisian League for the Defense of Human Rights, and the Bar Association, also issued a joint statement that included direct criticism of the authority’s policies, the deterioration of the social situation, and the damage to the independence of the judiciary, while calling on the rest of the national components to work together in order to “open a new national horizon,” as they put it.
Trade union activist Khaled Ghali says that it is important for the parties and the Tunisian General Labor Union to recover, to fulfill their duty in educating the masses and guiding them in legitimate movements, and to restore balance little by little.
But most important of all, according to the trade unionist, is that the authority should also take the initiative to cancel Decree 54 and restore trade union and political dialogue to avoid disastrous scenarios for the country, especially in light of the worsening social crisis.
