The Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates, Asaad Hassan Al-Shaibani, received in the capital, Damascus, the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriate Affairs of Jordan, Ayman Al-Safadi. During the meeting, bilateral relations between the two countries were discussed, and the strengthening of cooperation in all fields, in addition to preparations for the third session of the Supreme Coordination Council scheduled to be held in Damascus during the month of next October, according to a statement by the Syrian Foreign Ministry.
The developments in the situation in southern Syria and the path to implementing the tripartite road map, between the Syrian Arab Republic, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, and the United States of America, were also discussed, with regard to As-Suwayda Governorate.
The visit comes in conjunction with rapid regional developments, and after a series of bilateral meetings held within the framework of the Supreme Coordination Council between Syria and Jordan.
The visit came, according to the Syrian News Agency, after official meetings and discussions held in Damascus and Amman, within the framework of joint efforts to strengthen bilateral relations, expand areas of cooperation, and develop coordination mechanisms in various fields.
On June 14, Minister Al-Shaibani received a high-level Jordanian ministerial delegation headed by Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriate Affairs, Ayman Al-Safadi, at Damascus International Airport, in a visit aimed at discussing developments in the situation in the region and issues of common interest.
The Jordanian Foreign Minister affirmed earlier that relations between Jordan and Syria are witnessing their best conditions at various political, security, military and economic levels.
The Iraqi Ministry of Transport confirmed that no casualties or leakage were recorded in the cargo of the ship that was targeted, on Wednesday, in an attack attributed to an “unknown person” within Iraq’s territorial waters.
Security sources in Basra and Baghdad said it was likely that Iran was behind the attack on the Panama-flagged tanker near the coast of Basra at the Al-Amaya oil port.
Observers link the attack, and other simultaneous attacks, with Iran threatening over the weekend to announce a new prohibited zone in the Arabian Gulf, and maps for a new shipping corridor through the Strait of Hormuz, within the framework of the ongoing military and economic escalation with the United States of America.
The Iraqi Ministry of Transport said, in a press statement, that “a tank-type ship designated for transporting fuel oil, flying the flag of the Republic of Panama, was hit at 5:30 a.m. on Wednesday by an unknown source while it was inside Iraqi territorial waters, which led to material damage to the wall of the ship.”
She added, "The accident did not result in any human damage or injuries among the ship's crew members, nor did it cause any of its cargo to leak into the water."
The Ministry indicated that, “immediately after the accident occurred, the competent security, official and maritime authorities began taking the necessary precautionary measures, as the ship was isolated and placed under continuous surveillance, in addition to monitoring the surrounding area in the field, to ensure that there are no fuel leaks or other damages or indicators that may pose a threat to the safety of navigation and the marine environment.”
She stressed that “the competent authorities are following up on the circumstances of the accident and are working to verify the source and causes of the injury, and will announce any developments or confirmed information in this regard in a timely manner.”
According to sources, the cargo ship “New Andros,” flying the Panama flag and designated for transporting fuel oil (Iraqi black oil), was injured while it was in Iraqi territorial waters near the Al-Amaya oil port off the coast of the southern Basra Governorate, which includes the largest oil fields in the country.
Al-Amaya Port is one of the oldest Iraqi ports designated for exporting crude oil. It is located in the Khor Al-Amaya marine area in Iraqi territorial waters to the southeast of the Al-Faw Peninsula in the far north of the Arabian Gulf. It is one of 7 ports in Basra Governorate, including 5 commercial and two oil.
A few years ago, the Ministry of Oil announced a campaign to rehabilitate and develop the port to increase its export capacity to about 600,000 barrels per day. Which enhanced its strategic importance in light of the war in the region and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz.
It was reported in Baghdad, on Wednesday, that the ruling coalition was forced to cancel the positions of deputy prime ministers due to disagreements and difficulties related to the “weapon control” file, while sources spoke of a move to recalculate the electoral quotas for the remaining vacant ministries.
Since the Iraqi Parliament granted Ali al-Zaidi’s government confidence on May 15, 2026, 14 ministries out of 23 have been prevented from filling 9 portfolios by political differences. Most notably interior and defence.
However, the most complex dilemma was the attempt by forces within the “Framework” to create 4 deputy prime ministers, at the forefront of which was the “Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq” movement, whose leader Qais Khazali pushed his brother Laith Khazali to be one of Zaidi’s deputies.
Reliable sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Asa’ib movement was aspiring to obtain the position after officially agreeing to the “arms restriction” plan, but American objections prevented that.
The sources said, “There is a kind of test of strength between Al-Zaidi and the (coordination framework) forces due to the overlap between completing ministerial portfolios and (confining weapons) in the hands of the state,” noting that “cancelling the positions of deputy prime ministers opens the door to bartering between the two parties and pushes everyone to recalculate the ministries’ points.”
Observers tend to believe that the completion of the government cabinet began to falter as political forces retreated from the “arms control” plan.
Al-Zaidi had made “confining weapons” to the state one of the axes of his government program, before “Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq,” along with other factions, joined the settlement. Hoping that this will help relieve international pressure on it and open the way for its political and executive participation.
The sources explained that the “last meeting” of the “coordination framework” witnessed a sharp intersection between the leaders of parties affiliated with the coalition. “Between a movement that refuses to create the positions of deputy prime ministers, and another that insists on them.” Which prevented the issuance of a press statement after the meeting.
During the past few days, Prime Minister Ali Al-Zaidi held a series of meetings with a number of leaders of the “coordination framework,” trying to agree on completing the government cabinet, especially after his government completed one hundred days of its life.
Figures close to Al-Zaidi’s office reported that he “called on the leaders of the ruling coalition to continue supporting the government in completing the outstanding files so far, including (arms control) and (fighting corruption), in addition to completing the government cabinet, regardless of the disagreements regarding the vice presidents or recalculating the points for each ministry.”
The political system in Iraq establishes a custom for distributing ministries to the political forces that win the elections, stipulating that points are calculated for each ministerial portfolio according to the number of party seats in Parliament.
For his part, Saif Al-Saadi, a researcher in legal and legislative affairs, told Asharq Al-Awsat that “cancelling the positions of deputy prime ministers will raise the balance of the remaining ministries, with the possibility of the sovereign ministry reaching between 15 and 20 points, and the service ministries reaching between 10 and 12 points.”
Al-Saadi expected that “two or three ministries will be decided, while the rest will be managed by proxy due to external and internal factors,” noting that “the United States refuses, through various channels, to appoint figures from the factions to any high-ranking government positions, while the competition between the Shiite forces delays the determination of qualified candidates for the vacant portfolios.”
