
From pension reform to budget freeze, explore the psychological motivations of love and hate in Taiwanese politics and the challenges of democratic development.
AI-generated summary
After the authoritarian party-state system was transformed into a democratic system, some people who originally enjoyed the advantages of the system developed a sense of relative deprivation and political hostility.
Love and hate are one of the most basic and powerful driving forces of human beings. What is love? It can be understood in the simplest words: Even if I am injured, I hope you are well. What is hate? Quite the opposite: Even if I get hurt, I still want you to get hurt. Both love and hate have power beyond calculation of interests. For this reason, when observing a person's political behavior, sometimes we can't just ask "what can he get", but also ask: Is he willing to pay the price with the community, just to cause greater harm to his hated political opponents?
When the Democratic Progressive Party government promoted pension reform in 2017, Chen Gengjin, then Chairman of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Kuomintang, once shouted to the current military, civil and military personnel to "make money if you can," "fuck if you can," and even "let's bring down this government." Opposing pension reform is a democratic right; fighting for one's own retirement rights is also a reasonable expression of interests. But "I want to protect my rights and interests" and "I want to bring down this government" are completely different political psychology. The former pursues its own interests; the latter exhibits the characteristics of retaliatory politics: even if the government operations are harmed and the people bear the cost, as long as the political enemies are harmed, they are willing to accept it.
Nine years later, Weng Xiaoling’s political behavior is also worthy of observation. She actively deleted the budget freeze of the executive branch. After the secret funds for state affairs were deleted, expenditures originally related to caring for disadvantaged groups were also affected. On the other hand, she established a congressional exchange-related association this year and planned to go to Europe for exchanges. She also applied for subsidies from the Taiwan Democracy Foundation through the Kuomintang. There is nothing wrong with applying for subsidies in accordance with the law. It is also a constitutional duty for the Legislative Yuan to review or even delete the administrative budget. What should really be tested is: Do you use the same set of standards for the public resources you need and the public resources held by your political opponents?
If politics gradually become "my resources are necessary, your resources will be cut if they can be cut", even if public interests are affected, then we should ask: Is this still rational budget supervision, or has political hostility begun to affect the use of institutional tools? And where do these political psychology come from? Part of the answer may be hidden in the history of Taiwan's democratization.
The authoritarian party-state system is not only a political system, but also a distribution system of power, resources, connections and social status. After democratization, political parties must compete, power must rotate, resources are gradually institutionalized, and everything begins to return to an open system and fair competition. For Taiwan, this is democratic progress; for some people who were originally adapted to the old system and even enjoyed the advantages of the system, what they feel may be "loss". What you lose is not just money, but also status, dignity, influence, and the worldview that you have believed in your whole life. This is the "sense of relative deprivation."
But loss does not necessarily produce hate. Here’s the real twist: Who do you think you lost? When dissatisfaction is blamed on a specific political party, ethnic group, or democratization itself, dissatisfaction may turn into anger, and anger may accumulate into hostility and finally hatred. Politics may also gradually change from "I want to make my life better" to "I want to make you pay the price." This is where democracy needs to be most vigilant.
Understanding hate is not to hate it back, but because only by knowing where it comes from can we reduce it. Democracy cannot eliminate love and hate in human nature, but it can manage it through the rule of law, separation of powers, fair competition and procedural justice. The true maturity of democracy is not that everyone loves each other, but that even if they hate each other, they are still unwilling to destroy the country where everyone lives together in order to hurt each other.
After the freeze on state secret fees, expenditures originally related to caring for disadvantaged groups have also been affected. The Mid-Autumn Festival is the most important time of the year for many sheltered workshops. Orders from the presidential office and other public departments symbolize the country's friendliness and support for disadvantaged groups. Taiwan has entered democracy for thirty years. Some people may not have fully caught up yet.
Anhui Province has proposed the concept of "science and technology transfer" to attract scientific and technological talents to return to Hefei, Fuyang, Suzhou, Chuzhou and other places. Through industrial ecology and institutional support, it can realize the two-way flow between talents and cities and promote regional innovation and development.
The article uses many typical examples of Chinese youth in the fields of science and technology, sports, grassroots work, etc. to demonstrate their pioneering and down-to-earth spirit. It also points out that Chinese youth have feelings for their family and country as well as for humanity, and are growing together with the country.

This article explores the long-standing deadlock in Taiwan's energy policy discussions with simple slogans such as "Without nuclear power, there will be power shortages" or "Using your lungs to generate electricity." Author Lin Renbin pointed out that the essence of energy is a multiple risk management issue, calling for a shift from single answers to systemic thinking and the establishment of governance capabilities to manage uncertainty and a complex world.

On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of Mao Zedong’s death, this article reviews the tens of millions of abnormal deaths caused by the political movements under his rule. The author points out that Mao's death enabled farmers, students, intellectuals and other groups to survive and change their destiny, but the continuation of the autocratic system still limits historical justice and reform.

The article uses the "Calabash Grandpa" incident in Shaoxing, Zhejiang to explore the issue of breaking through the boundaries of personal privacy in the era of traffic. It points out that enthusiasm will become a burden if it is not measured, and calls for keeping the boundaries of private life in the face of traffic to protect goodwill from being consumed and intruded.

Information security scholar Li Zhongxian commented on the issue of privileges for the children of politicians, using the case of the dispute between Chen Qimai's daughter who concealed her identity and exchanged students with Jiang Wanan's son, and discussed how political families should deal with avoidance of interests and public responsibilities, and emphasized the necessity of the spirit of "noblesse oblige" in modern democratic societies.