
Flávio Bolsonaro, senator from Rio de Janeiro and son of former president Jair Bolsonaro, is trying to consolidate himself as his father's political heir while facing investigations by the Federal Police for alleged corruption in the Dark Horse case and for an amendment linked to militia members, in addition to a history of denunciation for the 'rachadinha'.
AI-generated summary
Flávio Bolsonaro is a senator from Rio de Janeiro, son of former president Jair Bolsonaro, and is trying to position himself as his father's political heir while facing multiple investigations, including alleged corruption in the financing of the film Dark Horse and an amendment linked to militiamen.
Flávio is the first-born son of former president Jair Bolsonaro (PL), who is serving a sentence for a coup plot under house arrest. He spent the campaign trying to establish himself as his father's political heir, at the same time as he faces an investigation by the Federal Police (PF) for alleged corruption.
Currently an end-of-term senator for Rio de Janeiro, the candidate is 45 years old, married and graduated in law.
Its choice as the name of the Liberal Party was a direct decision by Jair Bolsonaro. The choice of his political heir took place at the end of 2025, after internal disputes, and was accompanied by an intense family fight.
Despite the discussions, Flávio arrives in the first round with a real chance of winning the election, with the current president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), as his main opponent.
A politician since the age of 21, Flávio Bolsonaro was elected for the first time as a state deputy, a position he held for four terms. In 2016, Flávio ran and lost the election for mayor of Rio de Janeiro.
Two years later, however, he was elected senator with more than four million votes. He was the candidate with the most votes for the Federal Senate in Rio de Janeiro.
Choosing the heir
With half of his eight-year term in the Senate being during his father's presidency, Flávio Bolsonaro was president of the Public Security Commission, an issue he has always placed as his flagship.
However, he had a timid performance as a senator. There were only two projects turned into law – none on public security.
During this period, the candidate's assets increased from R$1.7 million to R$8.1 million.
Flávio began to gain more relevance among Bolsonarism following the case in the Federal Supreme Court (STF) against Bolsonaro for a coup d'état. After the conviction, he became one of the few people who spoke to Jair Bolsonaro as his father's lawyer.
Initially, the former president was reluctant to define a political heir. Different names were competing for the position, including the governor of São Paulo, Tarcísio de Freitas (Republicans), Flávio's younger brother, Eduardo Bolsonaro (PL), a federal deputy impeached and convicted by the STF, and the former first lady Michelle Bolsonaro (PL).
"It is with great responsibility that I confirm the decision of Brazil's greatest political and moral leader, Jair Messias Bolsonaro, to give me the mission of continuing our nation project", said Flávio at the time.
The choice, however, did not pacify the spirits of the allies. The family feud came to a clear light with a video of Michelle on social media in mid-June.
She also denied making the video because she wanted to be a candidate in her stepson's place. Michelle ended up running for Senate for the Federal District. However, he did not actively participate in Flávio's campaign, as was the wish of PL chiefs at the beginning of the dispute.
Flávio Bolsonaro during live on the night of September 23rd — Photo: Reproduction
Dark Horse case
Less than six months after announcing his pre-candidacy, the portal The Intercept revealed audios and messages showing that Flávio negotiated with former banker Daniel Vorcaro, from Banco Master, the payment of R$130 million as an investment in the film Dark Horse, a biopic of Jair Bolsonaro.
g1 and TV Globo had access to documents showing that the banker paid R$61 million.
"Brother, I preferred to send you the audio here so you can listen calmly. [...] I know you're going through a very difficult time there too, all this confusion, you not knowing exactly how this is all going to go. And even though you gave us the freedom, Daniel, for us to charge you, I'm embarrassed to keep charging you, okay?", said Flávio in one of the conversations.
According to investigations, Vorcaro's transfers for the film were made through the company Entre Investimentos e Participações, owned by an ally of the former banker.
Entre transferred the money to an investment fund called Havengate, in the United States, controlled by a lawyer belonging to Eduardo Bolsonaro. The fund would transfer the money to the film's producer, the company Go Up.
The case was marked by several contradictions by Flávio about his relationship with Vorcaro. On the day the case came to light, Flávio denied that Vorcaro had financed the film and called the Intercept journalist's questions "militancy".
Hours later, the then-pre-candidate released a video confirming the request for money from Vorcaro, but denying irregularities. He also stated that he did not have "spurious relations" with the banker and defended the holding of a CPI on Master in Congress.
In an interview with GloboNews in May, Flávio explained that he denied the banker's relationship with the film, claiming that there were confidentiality clauses.
"I didn't say it was a lie. I have a confidentiality agreement. I'm talking about it now because it came to light, there's no way to deny it anymore," he said.
In the same interview, Flávio stated that the payments, which totaled R$61 million, took place until May 2025. In September, however, Piauí magazine revealed that Vorcaro made another payment of US$1.6 million, totaling around R$65 million.
Flávio said that his relationship with Vorcaro was restricted to the film and that there would be no “surprises”. Four days later, the senator admitted to having visited Vorcaro after the banker's first arrest, when he was already under house arrest and wearing an electronic ankle bracelet, to end negotiations on the film.
"Yes, I went to meet him to put an end to this story, to say that, if he had warned me that the situation was as serious as this, I would have gone after another investor much longer ago and the film would not be at risk", he stated.
Another point of contradiction Flávio had about the film was regarding accountability. The senator stated, on May 19, that he had ordered the producer to present an accounting of the resources used in the film within 30 days.
The deadline ended on June 18th without the candidate or the production making the promised set of documents public.
When questioned, the candidate attributed the accountability to an expert report that the film's producer, Karina Gama, attached to the investigation being carried out by the São Paulo Civil Police.
The expert was hired by the producer itself, pointing out that the expenses amounted to R$75 million, but did not present receipts or invoices for the expenses.
Another contradiction by Flávio in relation to Master occurred when the senator denied proximity to Vorcaro after former first lady Michelle Bolsonaro shared a publication about alleged parties promoted by the banker.
"I want to assure you here: the only relationship I have with Vorcaro is about my father's film. It's the only one. You won't see me at Vorcaro's parties. I've never been on Vorcaro's plane and I've never been to an astronaut's party," he said in a meeting with female supporters.
The statement about the plane, however, resurfaced after Piauí magazine revealed that, on January 19, 2025, Flávio, his wife and two daughters traveled from Fort Lauderdale, in the United States, to Brasília on a Legacy 650 plane operated by Prime You, which had Vorcaro among its partners at that time.
The aircraft was jointly owned. One of the shares was linked to Prime You, while another belonged to lawyer Willer Tomaz, a friend of Flávio. Tomaz stated that he invited the senator, requested the flight and paid for the trip in full.
After the revelation, Flávio said that he did not know about Vorcaro's participation in the aircraft and that he was invited by his friend Willer Tomaz. Days earlier, Flávio had criticized minister Alexandre de Moraes for flying on the same aircraft.
"It's a good thing that at the time the plane belonged to Willer. Imagine if it were now, I would have traveled on Alexandre de Moraes' plane", he declared.
Amendment for militia
The PF is also investigating a parliamentary amendment worth almost R$200,000 sent by Flávio Bolsonaro for a sports project at the request of Robson Calixto, known as Peixe, a militia member convicted of involvement in the death of councilwoman Marielle Franco.
The amendment was negotiated in 2023 between Peixe and Maria de Fátima Bezerra Castro, parliamentary secretary in Flávio's office in the Senate. Maria de Fátima is described by the PF as Peixe's "direct interlocutor" in Senator Flávio Bolsonaro's office.
The PF found WhatsApp messages exchanged between Peixe and Maria de Fátima on the militiaman's cell phone, seized when he became investigated for Marielle's death, in 2024. Marielle and her driver Anderson Gomes were killed in 2018.
Peixe was sentenced by the STF, in February this year, to nine years in prison and the loss of his position as a retired military police officer. According to the investigation, he was the link between those who carried out the murder and those who ordered it, the brothers Domingos and Chiquinho Brazão — former counselor at the Rio Court of Auditors and former federal deputy, respectively.
Crack in the cabinet
In October 2020, the Rio MP denounced senator Flávio Bolsonaro, his former advisor Fabrício Queiroz and 15 others being investigated for the crimes of criminal organization, embezzlement, money laundering and misappropriation in the "rachadinha" scheme.
Flávio Bolsonaro was accused of heading a criminal organization that collected part of his former employees' salaries for his benefit – a practice known as "rachadinha".
According to the complaint, the scheme worked by hiring advisors for Flávio Bolsonaro's office at Alerj, between 2007 and 2018. Part of these employees would have been used to return a portion of the salaries received to the group. Some of them would be ghost employees.
According to the MP, Fabrício Queiroz, then chief of staff, would be mainly responsible for collecting and moving the money, while Flávio would have commanded the scheme and benefited from the resources.
According to the MP, at least 13 advisors were identified who passed on part of their salaries to Flávio's former advisor, Fabrício Queiroz. According to a document from the agency, he received 483 deposits into his bank account, more than R$2 million.
The complaint, however, was not judged on its merits: decisions by the STJ and the STF invalidated central evidence of the investigation, especially related to breaches of confidentiality and Coaf reports.
In 2021, the Second Panel of the STF decided to invalidate the breaches of confidentiality by Flávio and his advisors in an action that took place in the criminal sphere. The decision paved the way for the closure of the split process. The rapporteur for the matter was Minister Gilmar Mendes.
In 2022, the Rio Court of Justice rejected the complaint for lack of just cause. Thus, Flávio was denounced, but not convicted, and the Court did not judge whether he actually committed the crime.
In 2023, the MP filed another action, this time in the civil sphere, for administrative improbity. The action did not target Flávio Bolsonaro, but it did investigate irregular practices. It was in this action of improbity that the Court authorized the breach of confidentiality of Flávio's advisors.
Oops!
AI outlook — possibilities, not facts
The Federal Police will complete the investigation into the Dark Horse case and file a complaint against Flávio Bolsonaro before the 2026 elections.
Likely · Within months
The investigation into the parliamentary amendment linked to militia member Peixe will result in new actions by the PF or MP.
Possible · Within months

Quaest research shows Omar Aziz (PSD) with 34% of voting intentions for governor of Amazonas, followed by Maria do Carmo (PL) and Roberto Cidade (União Brasil), both with 21% and technically tied. David Almeida (Avante) drops to 10%. Valid votes give Aziz 40%, Maria do Carmo 25% and Cidade 24%.

A Quaest survey released shows Doutor Daniel, from Podemos, with 44% of voting intentions for governor of Pará, against 31% for Hana Ghassan, from MDB. Considering only valid votes, Daniel has 57% and could win in the first round, according to the institute.

The Brazilian presidential race was marked by tepid campaigns, artificial intelligence avatars, crises in the STF and corruption scandals involving Banco Master and parliamentary amendments.

Sergio Moro, from PL, leads with 37% of voting intentions in the first round according to the Quaest survey in Paraná, followed by Sandro Alex (PSD) with 15% and Requião Filho (PDT) with 21%. After a margin of error, Moro varies between 34% and 38%, while Alex and Requião are technically tied. Valid votes show Moro with 43%.

A Quaest survey released shows Cleitinho Azevedo, from the Republicans, with 54% of the valid votes for the government of Minas Gerais, potentially winning in the first round. Patrus Ananias (PT) has 23%, Alexandre Kalil (PDT) 10% and Flávio Roscoe (PL) 6%, all within the margin of error.

The electorate in the Ribeirão Preto region will have 1,835,060 people eligible to vote in the 2026 elections, a reduction of 2.6% compared to 2022. Forty-three of the 66 cities saw a drop in the number of voters, with emphasis on Santa Rosa de Viterbo (-8.94%). Three municipalities have more registered voters than residents: Rifaina, Santa Cruz da Esperança and Restinga. Almost one in four voters is 60 years old or over, reaching a third in Cássia dos Coqueiros. The four largest cities concentrate 48.5% of the regional electorate.