In recent years, Abbas the younger has been pushed further and further into the limelight by his father. He has led delegations in international forums and been photographed with world leaders. For the best-placed heirs to the throne, Vice President Hussein al-Sheikh, intelligence chief Majed Faraj and veteran Jibril Rajoub, Yasir Abbas' meteoric career is a trial.
One by one their powers are taken away from them and given to Yasir.
Yasir has lately begun to gain real influence, especially over Hares al-Ri'asa, the 3,000 soldiers in the presidential guard, the absolute elite unit of the autocracy. Also at the local level, great efforts are being made to raise the image of Yasir Abbas.
It is not an easy thing. Last year, during a large demonstration against the Israeli occupation in El-Bireh, he received the jokers when he showed up in luxury designer clothes amidst the tear gas and rioters - and hastily retreated.
Since his elevation, Yasir is trying to work a new, revolutionary, image into the public consciousness. He now appears in green military clothes, which earned him the ironic nickname "Fidel Castro" after the Cuban leader, who usually dressed in olive green.
Yasir is, of course, named after Fatah party founder Yassir Arafat (1929–2004), and has lately also adopted the legendary leader's nickname, "Abu Ammar", which has been met with a flurry of nasty comparisons between the role model and the copy.
Yassir Arafat, who founded Fatah in 1959, got nothing for free. Yasir Abbas has got everything for free.
Who could avoid becoming a billionaire with a monopoly on all tobacco imports and on government insurance contracts? The autocracy has many such sons and brothers-in-law in shiny black SUVs, amidst the throngs of poor pedestrians. Yasir Abbas's own explanation is that he laid the foundations of his fortune in real estate dealings during his years in Canada, where he is a citizen.
One who started at the opposite end is Tareq al-Natshe, the main character of the political series that for months, more than any television series, keeps the West Bank on a leash. Al-Natshe, 55, started out as a helper at an Israeli gas station, while studying technology.
He rose through the ranks, became manager of his own gas station and single-handedly built up the West Bank's largest chain of gas stations, al-Huda. When al-Natshe's son got married last year, 500 sheep were slaughtered, the 50,000 guests ate tons of sweets and the Arab world's big pop stars entertained. Joining the party were Hussein al-Sheikh, Jibril Rajub and other top names of the Fatah party.
Al-Natshe, who gives to the poor and awards scholarships to students, is a popular figure. But in July he and several of his relatives and aides were arrested during very brutal raids. His assets were seized and he was declared a suspect for tax evasion and smuggling. He owed the self-government three billion kroner, according to the authorities.
Ordinary people know better: Tareq al-Natshe had to shake bars because Yasir Abbas wants his gas stations.
Last week, after paying a tenth of the amount in bail, al-Natshe was released, badly carried and in broken health.
His assets are still frozen, and all indications are that he will lose his life's work. A financial reporter at a major Palestinian radio station tells DN:
- Yasir Abbas cannot hux flux take over al-Natshe's gas stations. The plan is to nationalize them, "to put an end to corruption". But people don't go for this. They understand. Al-Natshe has too much power, and he is friends with Yasir's rivals. That's the whole explanation.
Tareq al-Natshe's close friend is Jibril Rajub, once Yassir Arafat's security chief and today the only Fatah leader who openly warns Mahmoud Abbas against making his son president without a presidential election. With al-Natshe and his billions out of the game, Rajub loses his most important sponsor.
If Mahmoud Abbas passes away before his son consolidates his position, the presidential guard will play a key role in the succession drama.
Will the Guard follow Yasir Abbas? Or will it retreat to confront a compact, and increasingly angry, public opinion?
