Chief Advisor to the President and Deputy Chairman of the Presidential Legal Policies Board, Mehmet Uçum, wrote for AA Analysis about the point reached in the transition process to a Terror-Free Türkiye with the entry into the implementation phase of Law No. 7595 and the attempts to disrupt the process.
As we have stated before, the name of the process towards the goal of a Terror-Free Türkiye is not the solution process but the transition process. A very important progress has been made in the transition process.
Summary of the process
The Terrorism-Free Türkiye process, which is a state initiative and policy, started mentally with the new paradigm put forward by our Country Leader President Erdoğan in the Ahlat and Malazgirt programs on 25-26 August 2024. It entered the practical path with the brave and pioneering efforts of Mr. Devlet Bahçeli, who has great experience and wisdom. It made progress with Öcalan's historical statement on February 27, 2025. Different from the ordinary processes of the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye and with its non-routine activity and legislative process that went down in history, the Commission continued with its work and the framework law to which 467 deputies voted in approval. Finally, a new era began with the publication of the framework law, that is, the transition period law, in the Official Gazette on 18 August 2026.
Law No. 7595 on Strengthening National Solidarity and Social Integration, which we have previously discussed in all its aspects and in detail (AA Analysis articles dated 23, 27 and 30 August 2026), regulates the law of the transition process. This new period will gain concrete content mainly with the step by step progress of the implementation phases of Law No. 7595. After the law came into force, the necessary steps began to be taken rapidly. A Monitoring and Evaluation Board was immediately established under the chairmanship of the Vice President. The Board made its plans for the process through the meetings it held and determined the sub-commissions as required by law. The practices required for detection in the field began to emerge. It seems that these practices will gradually accelerate. In this context, it is useful to take another look at the stages regulated by Law No. 7595, especially regarding the institution of postponement.
Stages regarding the postponement institution in the transition process law
Postponement practice, which is the main institution of transition law, is subject to stages. These are general condition, special condition, evaluation, decision, process and result stages.
The general condition for the postponement to come into effect is to take a MGK decision confirming the findings that the organization has ceased its actual existence and that weapons and ammunition have been delivered, and that this decision is published in the Official Gazette. It consists of general condition, determination, confirmation and announcement elements.
A special condition is that the persons within the scope must apply in writing to the competent authorities within 6 months after the announcement. Applicants can submit their written applications in person or through their lawyers. As we mentioned before, it would be appropriate for all people in the scope to apply within 6 months in terms of evaluations to be made after 2 and 3 years.
Initial evaluation refers to the examination to be carried out by the competent judicial authorities (public prosecutor's offices, courts and execution judgeships) following the applications. The first stage of the examination is to determine whether the applicant falls within the scope of the law in terms of person. When determining the scope in terms of person, it is determined whether the applicant is associated with the PKK/KCK terrorist organization and any entity related to it. If there is this relationship, it is then checked whether the crimes associated with the person are within the scope of the law. Finally, the person's situation in the face of exceptions is determined.
After these reviews, the decision phase begins. Accordingly, if the applicant falls within the scope of the law in terms of a person, if the related crime or crimes are also within the scope of the law and are not exceptional crimes, the applicant's request is accepted and a postponement decision is given. In other words, three conditions must be met for a decision to postpone. For this reason, if the applicant is not within the scope of the law in terms of a person, or even if he is within the scope, the related crime or crimes are not included in the law, or even if this crime is an exception crime, the applicant's request will be rejected. There is a right to appeal against decisions. The postponement period begins when the decisions become final, with or without an objection.
Follow-up during the postponement period refers to the process stage. If no terrorist crime is committed during the postponement period, the conclusion phase takes place. Depending on the person's legal status, a decision of non-prosecution, dismissal or deemed execution is made.
Öcalan's status debate
Some focuses and actors who are openly or covertly opposed to the process are taking the issue of Öcalan's status to different points by detaching it from its purpose and function. However, the issue is entirely about ensuring the conditions for Öcalan to fulfill his role in accordance with the perspective of integration with the state and society that he put forward in his statement dated February 27, 2025.
The space, which was built as a unit attached to the prison building in İmralı, was designed to create a working environment suitable for Öcalan's role and duty.
When the time comes, ensuring Öcalan's open discussion will also be a requirement of the work he must do towards the perspective of integration with the state and society.
This being the case, evaluating the opportunities provided to Öcalan to do his part properly as a kind of release or privilege is a view that ignores the non-routine nature of the process and is not well-intentioned.
On the other hand, the view of those who try to disrupt the process with artificial problems by devaluing these opportunities and even highlighting issues that are not even on Öcalan's agenda, such as his freedom, is equally problematic and far from good will.
It is obvious that these intellectual distortions are part of the efforts to disrupt the process, but those who try to disrupt it, no matter what side they are on, will not succeed. Practical advances in the process are proof of this.
Some other efforts to disrupt
Efforts to disrupt the process in practical and intellectual ways are also observed in other issues. For example, it is very common for the defunct terrorist organization and its affiliated formations, as well as some individuals and groups in legal structures, to intellectually taunt the process through their own agendas. They either do not see that much greater democratic participation opportunities will arise for them if the process is successful, or they consider the expansion of democratic space and participation opportunities a threat to themselves. Both perspectives are seen as an effort to disrupt the process because these approaches also lead to dragging on the practical process, especially in terms of the detection phase. It is impossible to accept this.
It is also observed that some circles in the mentioned media are engaged in position wars within democratic politics. The restructuring process of DEM or the restructuring under the names of the Democratic Republic Movement or Patriotic Left Democracy may trigger position and status wars. These are, of course, their own topics. They decide how they will govern, but it is also a fact that these internal conflicts lead to the establishment of languages that create problems in terms of the process, especially ethnic politics. Again, instead of constructive democratic opposition, a race is being started to "Who objects more to the general and specific practices of the state" in wrong contexts and with bland approaches. There are people who support Western and neoliberal ideological attacks against Turkey, who want to undermine the process.
It is also important to know that all these are evaluated and that it is inevitable to take precautions against such intellectual and practical disruptive efforts in the execution and management of the process.
Difference between dialogue and negotiation and points to consider
Türkiye without terrorism is a dialogue process. The new Constitution is a negotiation process. The legal processes required by a terror-free Turkey are also elements of this dialogue process. The advancement of democracy is the subject of the negotiation process.
The interlocutor of the dialogue process is Öcalan, his subordinates and other staff, affiliated entities and representatives in the legal process. At this point, the classification of will levels is also important. It is important to note that some people who are apparently popular or have administrative roles in the legal field are ineffective in their will and have no idea about the process. It is necessary to distinguish the problematic messages given by those in this category and evaluate them differently.
What is essential is the will of Öcalan and his elements in line with Öcalan's perspective of integration with the state and the nation. It should be seen that those who act contrary to this by emphasizing ethnic politics are ineffective both in terms of will and political language and are considered a deviation. For example, it does not matter much if a legal administrator, who has only a secondary role even at the fifth level, uses the language of ethnic politics or establishes demagogic opposition and then tries to define himself at the center of the process.
The problem with the leaders of the organization, who seem strong in will, is that they try to create an artificial controversy by hiding their own agenda behind the cover of Öcalan's freedom or status. Thus, ambivalent attitudes and foot-dragging emerge in terms of the detection phase of the process, and this forms the basis for the strengthening of allegations of unreliability against them. This situation does not benefit anyone.
Those who only want the problems to transform and become permanent instead of being solved are pushing this in order to maintain their current status, but it should be seen that the continuation of the old is no longer materially possible. The arrow has left the bow and will reach the target. For this reason, hesitant attitudes and tendencies to disrupt the detection process should be abandoned as soon as possible and more efforts should be made to accelerate the detection process. The era of wasting time is now over. It should be understood more strongly that the completion of the process cannot be prevented. Everyone should make their best efforts to take and announce the MGK decision regarding detection and confirmation before the end of 2026. The announcement of the MGK decision will mean crossing a very important threshold in the progress of the process.
Promotion of democracy and new constitution
The addressee of the democratic negotiation process, which has completely different dynamics from the transition process to a terrorism-free Turkey and whose subject is the advancement of democracy and the new constitution, is all elements of the Turkish nation, all segments of Turkish society, all groups of the Turkish people. They are political and social representatives on legitimate and legal grounds. The interlocutors of the dialogue cannot act as if they are the interlocutors of negotiations on behalf of the people of Türkiye. Of course, after the process is completed, they are expected to take part in the negotiation process as a legitimate and democratic actor, and it is even possible for them to be active on democracy and the new constitutional perspective without mixing the dialogue and negotiation processes simultaneously, but it is never acceptable to bring up the approaches to the new constitution and democracy as a condition of the dialogue process.
The basic truth that needs to be realized is this: The progress of democracy and the new constitution will be considered as the work of the entire nation and will be implemented only when the transition to a Terror-Free Turkey is completed, ethnic and identity politics are left behind, and the problems related to these issues are finished in the minds as well as in practice. No one should expect that the new constitution will be negotiated based on ethnic and identity politics. Do not be fooled by the illusion that there will be approaches to ethnic and identity politics in the new constitution.
The new constitution is the agenda of the nation, society and the whole people. It will be the work of an inclusive and integrative philosophy, not a discriminatory and exclusionary view. With this philosophy, negotiations on the new constitution may aim to reach a conclusion in the remaining period of the 28th term of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, that is, until the elections to be held in 2028, but during this period, the issue may probably remain at the level of creating an intellectual maturity regarding the basic approaches of the new constitution. Even this would be a significant advance. However, the adoption of the new constitution with the broadest consensus and its submission to the public for approval in the 29th term of the Parliament can now be described as an inevitable step.
Conclusion
With the completion of the transition to a terrorism-free Turkey, Turkey's rise will begin and a period of major reforms will begin. Therefore, those who try to give different meanings to the transition process to a Terror-free Turkey should face the truth as soon as possible. As the wise leader Mr. Devlet Bahçeli said, "'Turkey without terrorism' is not surrender. 'Turkey without terrorism' is not compromise. 'Turkey without terrorism' is not bargaining with a terrorist organization. 'Turkey without terrorism' does not mean weakening the state, loosening the national will, violating the red lines of our beloved nation, tampering with its sensitivities, or diluting its security principles." (May 5, 2026).
As a result, as our President Erdoğan emphasized: "Together, we will reach those days when terrorism is replaced by peace, instability is replaced by prosperity, and conflict is replaced by peace in our entire region. No one will be able to prevent this. No one will come between us and our goal of a terror-free Türkiye" (October 3, 2026).
