Momentum is growing in Egypt around the proposal to appoint deputies for President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, who announced his refusal to “compromise the constitution,” which means the end of his rule at the end of his last term in 2030.
Demands continued for the president to use his constitutional right to appoint his deputies. Former politician and parliamentarian Mohamed Anwar Sadat called for using this right to appoint one or two representatives with military or civilian backgrounds to train them practically for the remaining three years, instead of the idea of theoretical training in the military academy that Sisi had previously proposed.
The Egyptian President had proposed in the middle of last month to prepare and qualify potential presidential candidates, who hold doctorates and masters, through a program that will last 30 months within the Military Academy. It targets people between the ages of 40 and 50, who meet the conditions to run for the presidency of the republic, noting “the possibility of preparing groups of 200, 300, or 500 people, allowing citizens to choose from a number of those qualified to assume the position of president of the republic.”
Sadat said during a television interview with the journalist Amr Adeeb, on Saturday evening, that he believes that “it is best for the president to appoint - and the constitution gives him this right - one or two deputies, perhaps with a military or civilian background, to live with him for the remaining three years, and to prepare and qualify them through practical training, not an academic and theoretical matter, but rather practical training by assigning them tasks.”
Sadat explained that the proposal “does not mean a decision on the position,” but rather the most important issue “represents the necessity of conveying President Sisi’s message that state agencies and institutions stand at the same distance from everyone.”
Article 150 of the Egyptian Constitution stipulates that “The President of the Republic may appoint one or more deputies, determine their powers, delegate some of his powers to them, relieve them of their positions, and accept their resignations.”
Recently, media figures and politicians have adopted demands to appoint vice presidents. In the middle of last month, journalist Amr Adeeb called on the Egyptian president to appoint one or more deputies, considering that “the presence of a deputy next to the president will be useful in light of the preparations for the transition of power.”
At the end of last month, political thinker Dr. Hossam Badrawi proposed appointing three vice presidents, one of whom would be a civilian, the second would be from a military background, and the third would be a woman. He added in television statements that the three representatives “can assume clear tasks for a period of three years, allowing citizens to monitor their performance and evaluate their abilities to assume public responsibility.”
Dr. Tariq Fahmy, professor of political science at Cairo University, believes that the demands to appoint one or more vice presidents “express the political momentum accompanying Sisi’s speech, who presented a guiding vision for the future that opened various political discussions.”
But according to my understanding, “the idea of appointing vice-presidents to prepare them to assume the presidency in the future involves circumventing what Sisi proposed, emptying the content he spoke about, and attacking the freedom of the people to choose a president from among several candidates.”
In his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Fahmy stressed that appointing vice presidents “represents an electoral problem, as presidential elections must be held to guarantee equal opportunities for everyone who wishes to run; Al-Sisi’s talk goes deeper than the idea of appointing representatives.”
Al-Sisi assumed the presidency of Egypt in 2014 after winning the elections that followed the June 30, 2013 revolution that overthrew the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood, before being re-elected in 2018 and 2023.
The Egyptian Constitution witnessed amendments in 2019, which increased the duration of the presidential term from four to six years, and limited the presidential term to two consecutive terms, and also allowed Sisi to remain in power until 2030.
Campaigns appeared on social media calling on the Egyptian president to retract his decision, and demanding that the constitution be amended and that he be nominated for future terms. This was also adopted by a number of media figures, including Ahmed Moussa and Mohamed El-Baz. On the other hand, parties and public figures welcomed the president’s announcement of the peaceful transfer of power.
Abdel Nasser Qandil, an expert in electoral systems and legislation in Egypt, believes that the demands of appointing vice presidents must be separated from the idea of competing in upcoming presidential elections.
He told Asharq Al-Awsat: “Appointing vice-presidents is an activation of one of the articles of the constitution, and theoretically has specific political goals, including organizing and ensuring the peaceful transfer of power during the election stage, or sharing some of the burdens with the president by delegating the representatives to some powers and files.”
But he added that linking the appointment of vice presidents to preparing them to run for the upcoming elections means “passing on the position.”
A parliamentary proposal to study the removal of fuel subsidies in Libya has reopened one of the most sensitive economic files, after the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Al-Salihin Abdel Nabi, called for consideration of compensating citizens in cash, instead of continuing commodity subsidies in their current form.
Since the proposal was presented during a meeting with economic experts in the House of Representatives last weekend, the issue has topped popular and economic discussions, amidst evoking waves of controversy regarding the possibility of converting commodity support into cash, and questions about the ability of compensation to keep pace with the liberalization of fuel prices, especially with the decline in the value of the dinar.
Objections focus on the possibility that the cost of economic imbalances will be passed on to citizens if fuel prices rise without adequate guarantees for compensation. These concerns extended to the costs of transportation, bread, and basic goods, given that the impact of fuel liberalization would not be limited to car owners.
This coincides with the continuing controversy over the draft unified salary scale in Libya, which opened the debate on the fairness of wages, amid employee complaints about salaries being disproportionate to the costs of living and high prices.
The objections are not limited to the value of compensation and the size of Libyans’ income, but rather extend to the state’s ability to control markets, monitor merchants, and prevent exploitation of price liberalization, in addition to the absence of public transportation alternatives that reduce citizens’ dependence on private cars and reduce the burden of living.
In this context, Libyan economist Ibrahim Al-Haddad warns that lifting subsidies, in conjunction with devaluing the dinar, and in the absence of transparency and oversight, may exacerbate financial imbalances and open the way for public resources to be exploited to finance corruption.
Al-Haddad believes, in a post on Facebook, that addressing aspects of waste and corruption should take precedence over burdening citizens with new reform burdens, warning that the absence of effective oversight may make cash compensation have limited impact in the face of rising prices.
In the face of the circulating warnings, the House of Representatives was quick, on Friday evening, to clarify its position, reassuring that the study of switching from commodity support to cash “falls within the reform options proposed, and does not mean canceling or replacing the support immediately.”
The Council pledged not to take any step before completing the necessary studies, providing the requirements and guarantees, and ensuring the state’s readiness to implement the proposed transformation, confirming that the matter is still in the study stage and has not turned into a binding decision.
A member of the Finance and Planning Committee in the House of Representatives, Fahmi Tawati, does not deny that the current support system expresses “a deep structural defect that drains the state’s resources and hinders the growth of the economy,” highlighting that its continuation in its current form distorts prices, opens the door to the smuggling of goods and fuel, and deprives the economy of opportunities for recovery.
Al-Tawati also warns, in a statement to Asharq Al-Awsat, that addressing these imbalances without institutional preparation may lead to difficult social and economic consequences, especially in light of the absence of unified government institutions, the continued political division, and weak oversight and social safety networks.
Al-Tawati believes that “hasty reform may trigger waves of inflation and raise the prices of basic goods and services, threatening the middle and low-income classes, and making citizens bear the cost of economic imbalances that they do not have the tools to influence, especially with the decline in their purchasing power.”
Data from the Central Bank of Libya reflect the size of the support item in the general budget, as its expenditures amounted to about 34.5 billion dinars ($5.4 billion at the official price) during the year 2025, equivalent to 25.2 percent of the total public spending amounting to 136.8 billion dinars.
This item includes support for fuel, medicines, medical supplies, and an allowance for the wife and children, in addition to the salaries of some companies and public entities, which means that the announced figure does not represent the cost of fuel support alone, but rather the total components of the support item, according to Central Bank data.
During the first nine months of 2026, support expenditures amounted to about 14.3 billion dinars, compared to 29.5 billion dinars during the same period in 2025, a decline of approximately 51.5 percent, according to data from the Central Bank of Libya. (The dollar is equal to 6.40 dinars in the official market, and 9.92 dinars in the parallel market.)
On the other hand, supporters of reviewing the system rely on the burdens it imposes on public finances, and the associated fuel smuggling and price distortions, considering that the continuation of the current situation wastes resources that could be directed to service and development sectors.
Libyan businessman Hosni Bey pushed for a more rapid and comprehensive implementation, calling on the Speaker of the House of Representatives to insist on “total, immediate and complete cash replacement” of subsidies, to include fuel and electricity, with the sale of energy according to its actual cost.
For his part, member of the Supreme Council of State, Saad bin Sharada, draws attention to the necessity of addressing the deficiencies in financial policy, in parallel with reviewing the support system, in a way that ensures the consistency of economic reforms and that citizens do not bear alone the cost of addressing the existing imbalances.
Among the calls to reform the system and warnings of its social repercussions, Al-Tawati links the success of any plan to a national path that begins with unifying the political and executive institutions, then building an accurate database that determines those eligible and the value of compensation, in a way that ensures fair distribution and transparency of implementation.
Cairo and Tripoli seemed on their way to pushing the strategic partnership towards new horizons, in parallel with opening a dialogue path to bring views closer to the “maritime agreement” signed between Libya and Turkey, and to establish common ground.
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdel Ati held discussions with the head of the interim “national unity” government, Abdel Hamid Dabaiba, in the Libyan capital, Tripoli, on Saturday, on the sidelines of the twenty-second session of the Executive Council of the Community of Sahel-Saharan States. He also discussed with the President of the Presidential Council, Mohamed Al-Manfi, the latest developments in bilateral relations and developments on the regional and international scenes.
Abdel Ati's discussions - coinciding with the reopening of the Egyptian Embassy headquarters - combined political dimensions and economic cooperation. The Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that the minister and the Minister of Health in Tripoli, Mohamed Al-Ghouj, signed a memorandum of understanding to enhance health and medical cooperation between Egypt and Libya.
Egyptian Foreign Ministry spokesman, Ambassador Nader Zaki, said that the new memorandum of understanding includes the exchange of experiences between the Ministry of Health and Population in Egypt and the Ministry of Health of the “National Unity” government, and also includes cooperation in the fields of developing health services, disease control, and medical training.
Egyptian Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly visited Tripoli in April 2021 at the head of a high-level delegation, where the Libyan-Egyptian Supreme Committee signed 13 memorandums of understanding and 6 executive contracts.
During the opening of the Egyptian Embassy headquarters, on Saturday evening, Abdel Ati met with Khalifa Abdel Sadiq, the Libyan Minister of Oil and Gas in charge of the “unity” government, and the meeting discussed ways to enhance bilateral cooperation between the two countries in the field of energy.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs said on Sunday that Abdel-Aty stressed “the importance of accelerating the implementation of bilateral cooperation projects between the two countries in the fields of establishing and connecting gas lines and developing cooperation in petroleum products,” as well as “speeding up the completion of Libyan oil refining projects in Egypt and re-exporting it abroad, in addition to rehabilitating Libyan refineries.”
The discussions also addressed “the completion of electrical interconnection projects between Egypt and Libya as soon as possible.”
Abdel Sadiq reviewed the features of current technical cooperation in the fields of oil, gas and electricity, stressing “continuing the implementation of existing projects between the two parties,” noting that he intends to visit Cairo in the near future to complete technical cooperation discussions with the Egyptian Ministers of Petroleum and Electricity, according to what the Egyptian Ministry stated.
On the sidelines of the opening of the Egyptian embassy in Tripoli, Abdel Ati met with the UN envoy, Hannah Tetteh, and discussed with her the overall international efforts aimed at moving the political process in Libya.
The Egyptian Foreign Ministry spokesman explained that Abdel-Ati stressed “Egypt’s support for all efforts aimed at resolving the political process in Libya,” stressing “Egypt’s position regarding adherence to the political solution through a comprehensive dialogue with Libyan ownership and leadership, and within a framework of broad national consensus, in accordance with the terms of reference for the solution, most notably the Skhirat Agreement, without dictates, to reach a political settlement that preserves Libya’s unity and safeguards its institutions.”
The Egyptian Foreign Ministry quoted Tetteh as praising the level of close cooperation between Egypt and the mission, stressing the United Nations’ aspiration to continue coordination to ensure the success of the political track and to consolidate the foundations of peace and security throughout Libya.
During his visit to Tripoli, Abdel Ati was keen to meet a number of members of the Egyptian community, within the framework of what the Ministry of Foreign Affairs attributed to “the constant interest in direct and continuous communication with Egyptian citizens abroad.”
Abdel Ati spoke that the directives of the political leadership confirm the continued development of the consular work system and raising the level of consular services provided to Egyptian citizens abroad, including enhancing the digital transformation of consular services and coordinating with various state institutions to provide these services in a quick and easy manner for citizens.
The Minister reviewed “the Egyptian state’s efforts to care for Egyptians abroad and improve the services provided to them,” noting that “the Ministry recently launched the trial run of the interactive electronic platform for consular services through the (Egyptian Abroad) application, which allows citizens to conduct consular transactions and follow up on the various stages of their completion,” according to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
The Ministry noted that the trial run of the application will include 17 countries. The next stages will witness more countries, including Libya, in addition to continuous coordination with the Ministry of Interior in order to send specialized committees to issue and renew national ID cards in Egyptian missions abroad.
Abdel-Ati also reviewed the ministry’s efforts in coordination with the Libyan authorities to address the problems facing Egyptian citizens in Libya, including “finding a final settlement for the complaint of Egyptian doctors and nurses who were brought in by the Libyan Ministry of Health to work in its affiliated hospitals and the delay in paying their financial dues.”
The meeting witnessed an open dialogue between the minister and members of the community, during which Abdel-Aty listened to their opinions, inquiries and proposals regarding various topics that affect the interests of Egyptians abroad, stressing “the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ keenness to continue communicating with them and working to respond to their demands in coordination with various state agencies and institutions.”
