(Deutsche Welle Chinese website) "Neue Züricher Zeitung" commented that for Washington, the proposal to hold a tripartite summit meeting between China, the United States and Russia in November this year can be said to have come at the right time: the vision of a China-US-Russia alliance dreamed by Trump's think tanks is beginning to take shape. According to this vision, the three major nuclear military powers China, the United States and Russia will divide their respective spheres of influence, respect each other, and rule the rest of the world according to their own interests. So, is such a three-strong alliance really possible? The commentary titled "Don't be afraid of Putin, Trump and Xi Jinping" reads:
"It is no accident that Moscow proposed convening a tripartite summit when Trump's power began to decline. In the United States, Trump's approval rating has hit rock bottom, high inflation has made the American people miserable, and high interest rates have placed a huge burden on consumers and businesses. At the same time, there are endless reports that Trump's circle of friends are making a fortune.
On the diplomatic level, Trump's situation is not ideal either. The peace in Ukraine that he promised has yet to be realized, and the war in Iran still has no end in sight. The U.S. military is showing signs of fatigue, and the situation in global energy markets is becoming increasingly tense. While America's traditional allies are at a loss, America's international credibility is plummeting.
In view of this, there is certainly a risk that those in power in Beijing and Moscow will take advantage of the U.S.'s period of weakness. Trump has indeed provided them with plenty of opportunities. He even wants to treat Ukraine as a gift to Russia. But despite this, it is still highly doubtful whether the new world order dreamed of by the strategists around Trump can come into being. "
"Neue Zürcher Zeitung" commented that compared with the Soviet Union during the Cold War, today's Russia is no longer a superpower and its influence on the world is also very limited. As the Russia-Ukraine war continues, Russia's dependence on China is also increasing day by day.
"In contrast, Beijing is subtly expanding its sphere of influence. Although China is stepping up its military expansion, it is avoiding the use of force as much as possible. Diplomacy and export offensives complement each other, establishing a global trade network for China and laying the foundation for China's rapid rise. China has become the biggest beneficiary of globalization, which itself is China's weakness.
China's foreign trade achievements are inseparable from its trading partners around the world. For China, the EU market and the markets of neighboring Asian countries are larger than the markets of the United States and Russia. Without the above-mentioned partners, China's rise will come to an abrupt end, and the already crisis-ridden domestic economy will be paralyzed. Beijing’s leadership will avoid such a situation at all costs. In view of this, small and medium-sized countries must take advantage of this opportunity. They not only have economic influence on Beijing, but also should actually exert this influence, especially the EU.
In the United States, although Trump is still in power, it is far from certain that the United States will form an alliance with China and Russia, the two major authoritarian regimes in the world. Trump is pursuing short-sighted, cruel, and profit-seeking politics, and there are indeed many Euro-haters in his MAGA camp. But their positions do not represent the United States as a whole. Trump’s inexplicable favorable impression of Putin and Xi Jinping is incomprehensible to most Americans. For this reason, it is unlikely to become the norm in U.S. foreign policy.
The new world order will be a multipolar world where strong and weak coexist. Although the binding force of international legal norms has been discounted, the diversity of interests and resource distribution on a global scale prevents the three military powers of China, the United States and Russia from dominating the world. "
Germany’s China Policy: A Balance between Confrontation and Pragmatism
While German President Steinmeier paid a state visit to China, German Chancellor Mertz visited China's important neighbors such as Singapore, Japan and South Korea. The Berliner Zeitung commented:
"In the past, as a mediator with strong soft power, Germany always tried to balance the interests of all parties. It could not only maintain dialogue channels with all parties, but also build trust with opponents that were difficult to deal with. In short, economic cooperation with all parties has always been the signature of German foreign policy. At that time, with Kiev, It is not difficult for Germany to sit at the negotiating table in Moscow, New Delhi, Islamabad, Tehran or Jerusalem at the same time. In this sense, Steinmeier and Mertz's simultaneous trip to Asia is more like what happened in that era when ideologies were relatively indifferent.
However, this dual-track strategy also has its limitations. China may view Germany's efforts to strengthen ties with Japan and South Korea as part of its policy to contain China. But if, on the other hand, warnings about dependence are accompanied by no search for practical economic alternatives, Berlin's credibility will be severely undermined.
Therefore, to successfully maintain this balance, three conditions must be met: Germany's China policy must remain predictable, Germany must effectively implement the diversification of economic relations, and Germany must adhere to principles on the issue of fair competition. "
