The Egyptian and regional position rejecting Ethiopia’s efforts towards a sea port
An explicit Egyptian rejection of the militarization of the Red Sea and an emphasis on the sovereignty of the riparian states amid Israeli support for Addis Ababa
Quick Look
Egypt adopts a position rejecting Ethiopia's efforts to obtain a military naval outlet in the Red Sea, while emphasizing the exclusive sovereignty of the riparian countries, while Israel declares its diplomatic support for Addis Ababa amid widespread regional tensions.
AI-generated summary
Why It Matters
Egypt rejects Ethiopia's efforts to obtain a military sea port in the Red Sea, while Addis Ababa seeks to secure a port through peaceful roads amid regional tensions.
Egyptian position
In the face of these Ethiopian efforts, the Egyptian position was explicitly rejecting Ethiopia's access to a sea port, without linking this to its dispute with Addis Ababa with the water issue.
Regarding the sea port that Ethiopia wants, Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdel Ati said in statements last September 10, “There are sovereign countries that have ports on the Red Sea, and no one has the power to grant any country military sea access, otherwise it will be chaos, especially since many African countries are landlocked.”
In late August, Abdel Ati stressed, during a phone call with US Presidential Advisor Massad Boulos, “the necessity of respecting the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of the countries of the region, and refraining from any unilateral moves that would threaten regional peace and security, or seeking to impose maritime access by force in violation of the rules of international law.”
Abdel Ati also stressed, in other statements, that the countries overlooking the Red Sea are sovereign over its ports, and that no country can be granted a military sea port, warning that otherwise would open the door to chaos, while stressing that there is no problem in the commercial access of landlocked countries.
Although Abdel-Ati did not name the intended countries, he said in October 2025 that “Egypt rejects Ethiopia’s entry into the governance of the Red Sea coasts.” This Egyptian rejection of Ethiopia’s access to the Red Sea is repeated, and during Abdel Ati’s meeting last May with Yemeni Prime Minister Shaye’ al-Zindani in Cairo, the issue of the security of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden was discussed. Abdel Ati stressed at the time “Egypt’s categorical rejection of any efforts to internationalize or militarize the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, as well as the refusal of any parties outside of it to engage in arrangements concerning it.”
Also, during Abdel Ati’s visit to Asmara last May, he met with Eritrean Foreign Minister Osman Saleh, and they stressed that the security and management of the Red Sea “remains the exclusive responsibility of the countries riparian to it, and that Egypt rejects any attempts by non-riparian parties to impose security arrangements or roles in this context,” according to a statement by the Egyptian Foreign Ministry at the time.
On the other hand, Nebiat Getachew, spokesman for the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said last May that the Egyptian government “is trying to encircle and obstruct his country’s access to the Red Sea.” Although he did not specify details, he stressed that Ethiopia will continue to work hard to obtain a sea port through peaceful and sustainable routes.
Here, African affairs expert Dr. Ramadan Qarni warns that Egypt does not mind Addis Ababa obtaining a commercial outlet according to legal frameworks sponsored by neighboring countries, as previously proposed by Djibouti and rejected by Ethiopia. “But Cairo is strictly confronting military efforts, in anticipation of the repercussions of opening ports on the Red Sea that would harm Arab and African national security, especially with parties such as Israel entering the crisis line and the Houthi groups supporting threats to Bab al-Mandab.”
The Egyptian expert believes that despite the media and diplomatic mobilization of Abiy Ahmed’s government, the chances of seizing a permanent military foothold on the Red Sea remain surrounded by complex challenges. Most notable is the international and regional rejection by the African Union, the Arab League, and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, which supports Somalia’s sovereignty. This is in addition to Addis Ababa’s fear of African isolation and harming its position as the headquarters of the African Union institutions, and the continued internal pressures amid the worsening Ethiopian economic and security crises in regions such as Oromo, Amhara, and Tigray, in addition to the tension in its relations with neighboring countries (Sudan, Eritrea, and Somalia).
Qarni asserts that Cairo “succeeded in building a solid wall of regional and international intelligence and political consensus, blocking any unilateral steps, ensuring the preservation of national security and the protection of the region’s vital waterways.”
What to Watch
AI outlook — possibilities, not facts
Continued Egyptian and regional rejection of any unilateral Ethiopian moves to gain a military sea port
Likely · Within months
Open Questions
- How will Ethiopia deal with the continued regional and international rejection of its maritime endeavors?
- What are the next practical steps for the Egyptian-Eritrean-Somali alliance?






