Developments in the merger of Al-Hasakah institutions and the general amnesty law in Lebanon

The Deputy Governor of Al-Hasakah, Ahmed Al-Hilali, confirmed to Asharq Al-Awsat on Friday that the merger process stipulated in the “January 29, 2026 Agreement” had moved, after the dissolution of the “Syrian Democratic Forces” (SDF) and the former Kurdish “Autonomous Administration,” from “the stage of understandings and negotiations to the stage of actual implementation, whether in civil, security, or military institutions,” describing the current security situation as “much better, and there is a state of stability that is strengthening.” Gradually,” stressing that the process “is progressing to its end, and what we want is for it to be completed quietly.”

Since the SDF leader, Mazloum Abdi, announced from the presidential palace in Damascus on August 25, the dissolution of the SDF and the Autonomous Administration, Hasakah has witnessed developments and changes that indicate that a new phase is forming in the governorate, the title of which is the presence of the state in all fields, enhancing security and stability, unifying institutions, and ending administrative duality, in implementation of the “January 29 Agreement.”

Al-Hilali stated in his statement, “The merger process is not just moving buildings or changing names, but rather reunifying the authorities and administrative, security and military decisions under the umbrella of the Syrian state. Important steps have been completed in this direction, while work is underway to complete the remaining files in an organized manner, in a way that prevents an institutional or security vacuum and maintains the stability of the governorate.”

Before the announcement of the dissolution of the SDF, most of the cities and regions in Hasakah were witnessing cases of security chaos carried out by the “Revolutionary Youth,” and it increased after the signing of the “January 29 Agreement,” as its members prevented the handing over of institutions to the government, but this scene has now disappeared.

Al-Hilali expressed his belief that the main reason behind the disappearance of previous cases of chaos is that “the stage has changed,” explaining: “In the past, there were attempts to obstruct the process of taking over state institutions, and some movements appeared that aimed to disrupt this path, but with the development of the implementation of the agreement and the clarity of the trend towards ending institutional and security duplication, these manifestations declined significantly.”

According to Al-Hilali, “Today there is a growing conviction among everyone that state institutions should not be the subject of conflict or confrontation, and that the integration process is coming to an end. What we want is for this process to take place quietly, away from provocation and tension, and for all the people of the governorate to feel that the return of state institutions is a return to services, law and stability, and is not directed against any component of society.”

Regarding the date for the complete completion of the process of merging the military, security and civilian institutions, the Deputy Governor of Al-Hasakah said: “I do not want to set an artificial date for a process of this size and complexity, because there are files that require technical, administrative and security measures before they are closed permanently.”

He added: “But I can say that we are in a very advanced stage, and the general trend is clear towards completing the merger as soon as possible,” pointing out that “the bulk of the work is in the implementation stage, and what remains are detailed files that need to complete arrangements, auditing and coordination between the ministries and concerned authorities.”

Al-Hilali explained: “The most important thing for us is that the merger be complete, real, and sustainable, and not just a political declaration whose effect ends after a short period.”

In response to a question about the most prominent files currently pending to complete the merger process, Al-Hilali indicated that “the remaining files can be summarized into three main tracks: first, the military and security file, with regard to completing the restructuring of elements and cadres and integrating those who meet the conditions within the Ministries of Defense and Interior in accordance with approved principles, and the second is the administrative and civil file, especially the conditions of employees and cadres, the mechanisms for their confirmation and payment of their dues, and the integration of institutions and departments whose transfer procedures to the state have not been completed. As for the third It is represented that there are some service, technical and administrative files related to the transfer of powers and the reunification of work systems, data and resources.”

Al-Hilali said, “These files do not represent an obstacle to the integration process as much as they are executive files that need to be completed. The political decision is clear, and the general direction is decided: state institutions will be unified, and the reference will be to the Syrian state, while preserving the rights of all citizens and components of the governorate.”

It is noteworthy that the first nucleus of the Kurdish “Self-Administration”, which aimed to establish a “Kurdish project in Syria”, began with the formation of the “Kurdish Supreme Authority”, which was founded by the “Kurdish Democratic Union Party” (PYD) in Syria, and the “Kurdish National Council”, after the signing of the “Erbil (Hewler) Agreement” on July 12, 2012. A military wing of the “Commission” was formed, consisting of the “People’s Protection Units”. (YPG), the Women's Protection Units (YPJ), the Asayish, and then the SDF, which was dominated by the Kurds in 2015.

The geography of the “Self-Administration” expanded from 3 provinces in 2014, to 6 provinces in 2016, to reach 7 provinces in 2023. This geographical expansion was accompanied by the expansion of the military and security services and civil institutions affiliated with the “Administration,” which includes tens of thousands of members.

The SDF lost a large percentage of the areas under its control, in armed confrontations that broke out in late 2025 and the beginning of 2026 between its militants and the Syrian army and lasted about two weeks, followed by the signing of the “January 29, 2026 Agreement.”

The agreement signed between the Syrian government and the SDF stipulated a ceasefire and the gradual integration of the military and civilian institutions that the Kurds established during the years of the conflict within the framework of Syrian state institutions, the handover of border crossings and oil and gas fields, and the exit of foreign fighters from the region.

The signing of the General Amnesty Law by Lebanese President Joseph Aoun opened the door to the start of implementation of one of the most awaited legal and social files in Lebanon, after Prime Minister Nawaf Salam directed its publication on Friday, in a special issue of the Official Gazette, while the first political objection emerged with the announcement of the head of the “Free Patriotic Movement,” Representative Gebran Bassil, that his movement would file an appeal against the law.

The law combines an amnesty for a group of crimes committed before March 1, 2026, with an exceptional reduction of other penalties not included in the amnesty, while leaving a wide list of crimes outside its scope. The most prominent of these are murder, corruption, financial and banking crimes, espionage, and sexual assaults. The reasons for its approval are linked to an accumulated crisis in the judiciary and prisons, long periods of pretrial detention, and delayed trials.

Salam called Aoun, appreciating his signing of the law “which the Lebanese have been waiting for for a long time,” and gave his directions to the competent departments in the Presidency of the Council of Ministers to publish it in a special issue of the Official Gazette. Publication gains immediate importance, because the law stipulates that it will be implemented immediately upon its publication, allowing its provisions to begin to be applied to files that meet its conditions.

Law No. 70 is entitled “Granting a general amnesty and exceptionally reducing the duration of some penalties,” and it includes perpetrators, partners, accomplices, and instigators in crimes that fall within its scope, provided that the amnesty leads to the dismissal of the public lawsuit and the erasure of the original penalties imposed, as well as the dismissal of prosecutions, rulings, and administrative decisions related to them, with exceptions specified by the text, including those related to employees in financial corruption crimes.

On the other hand, the law specifies a wide series of excluded crimes, most notably crimes referred to the Judicial Council, premeditated or intentional murder, and some crimes stipulated in the Terrorism Law and the Military Justice Law.

It also excludes crimes of treason, espionage, illicit contact with the enemy, and specific cases of drug crimes, especially when repeated, as well as drug crimes committed by military personnel or members of security institutions. But it includes crimes of cultivating narcotic substances if they were committed before the law was issued.

Exceptions also include crimes against public funds, forgery and counterfeiting of cash, fraudulent bankruptcy, and crimes related to the monetary and credit law and banking systems, in addition to illicit enrichment, embezzlement of public funds, tax evasion, money laundering, terrorist financing, and a number of crimes related to depositors’ funds.

The law also leaves out of amnesty the crimes of rape, incest, human trafficking, domestic violence, and sexual assault of minors, in addition to crimes related to torture, missing persons and forcibly disappeared persons, antiquities crimes, and some environmental crimes, as well as specific cases of theft upon repeated prosecutions or sentences.

The law is not limited to dropping penalties for crimes included in the amnesty, but rather provides exceptional reductions for crimes that remain outside it. Under Article Three, the death penalty is replaced with 28 years imprisonment, life imprisonment with hard labor is reduced to 17 years, while all remaining penalties are reduced by one third.

However, benefiting from the reduction is subject to additional conditions in a number of murders with aggravating circumstances, including cases related to sexual assault, torture, kidnapping, or mutilation, and political assassinations. The law also links the benefit of the reduction in specific cases in which the injured party has taken the status of a personal claim, with the cancellation of the personal right while keeping the civil rights of the affected persons in place.

The text also addresses the file of those detained on remand. It allows the defendant to be released for crimes committed before March 1, 2026 for which no judgment has been issued, if his detention exceeds two years in prison, provided that his trial continues according to the rules.

It also exempts convicts who have served their sentences and remained in prison due to their inability to pay fines and fees, while non-Lebanese who benefit from the law after their release are handed over to the General Directorate of Public Security to take appropriate legal action against them. On the other hand, the law sets controls for cases of repetition, so that the beneficiary’s pardon can be revoked if he commits a new crime according to the cases specified by the text.

Coinciding with the transition to the stage of publishing the law, Bassil announced that the “Free Patriotic Movement” would move to challenge it.

He wrote on his account on the “X” platform: “Now that the President of the Republic has signed the general amnesty law... we will challenge it, to protect justice, respect the martyrs, and confront a crime... and so that there will remain in this country those who dare to say (no) in order to preserve dignity, maintain pride, and salute the army.”

Thus, the objection to the law moves to a new path in parallel with the start of its implementation, after the general amnesty remained a subject of disagreement for years over the groups that should benefit from it and the crimes that should be kept outside of it.

The reasons for the law place the crises in the judiciary and prisons at the heart of the justifications that prompted its approval, pointing to the exceptional political and constitutional circumstances that the country experienced, such as the delay in forming governments, the presidential vacancy, and the faltering work of state institutions, in parallel with strikes and retreats in the judiciary and delayed appointments, which was reflected in the regularity of the courts and the speed of adjudicating cases.

The reasons are that the accumulation of these factors, in addition to the security, economic and social crises, has led to a prolongation of trials and pretrial detention, which may practically turn the latter into a punishment that precedes the issuance of a ruling, and raises problems related to the presumption of innocence and the right to freedom.

It also links the law to overcrowding and conditions in prisons and places of detention, and presents it as an “exceptional and temporary measure” aimed at addressing part of the existing accumulation and reducing pressure on prisons, without constituting an alternative to reforming the judiciary and the prison system. The reasons call for activating the courts and repairing and rehabilitating detention places in accordance with legal and humanitarian standards and within a specific time plan.