Corruption scandals in Ukraine are straining relations with the EU

Kyiv, Berlin. The corruption scandals in Ukrainian politics continue. At the end of last year, Andriy Yermak, President Volodymyr Zelensky's chief of staff, who was considered untouchable, was forced to resign because he was apparently involved in crooked business dealings. It was a turning point; many Ukrainians then hoped for a new beginning.

Zelenskyj restructured his leadership several times - but the problems remained. In the summer, the Ukrainian ambassador to Washington, Olha Stefanishyna, was fired because she was under investigation on suspicion of corruption. Then the deputy head of the presidential office, Iryna Mudra, was taken into custody on money laundering charges. Ultimately, Attorney General Ruslan Kravchenko was fired because his office was said to have covered up a large-scale call center fraud.

The EU Commission is concerned about the headlines, as it regularly transfers billions of euros to Kiev. Anti-corruption was also a topic in talks with Zelensky during Chancellor Friedrich Merz's visit at the weekend.

Every case of corruption gives impetus to critics of aid at home, who warn that the funds are being misused. In addition, Brussels has linked the disbursement of the 90 billion euro aid loan to new anti-corruption laws - and some of these reforms are still stuck in the Ukrainian parliament.

The tone between Brussels and Kiev has recently become rougher; EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen spoke urgently to Zelensky on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York. EU diplomats accuse the government of half-heartedness. “We see that Ukraine keeps missing its deadlines,” says a diplomat. “The will to reform has waned extremely because there are no majorities for it in parliament.”

The new Prime Minister Serhiy Koretskyj, on the other hand, emphasizes that the government is doing everything it can to get the reforms through parliament. This will become clear next week: Then the MPs will vote on several laws. Despite the war, significant progress is being made, says Koretskyj. There is broad support for the anti-corruption authorities.

In fact, the National Anti-Corruption Office (Nabu) and the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (Sapo) have earned good reputations. For the majority of the population, they are a source of hope in the tough fight against corruption. The two authorities are considered independent - at least since they triggered the resignation of Zelensky's confidant Yermak against pressure from the presidential office.

Activists are full of praise for the investigators. “Nabu and Sapo are doing good work,” says Tetiana Schewtschuk, a lawyer at the non-governmental organization Antac, which fights against corruption. "This is reflected in the high approval ratings. The Ukrainian population wants corruption not to go unpunished."

According to a recent survey by the Kyiv Institute of Sociology (KISS), 50 percent of the population is concerned about corruption in the country. 72 percent say corruption has increased since the Russian invasion in 2022. Just as many believe that Zelenskyj bears political responsibility for the corruption cases in his environment, even if he was not personally involved.

“Zelenskyj doesn’t care what his employees do, as long as they are loyal,” says Shevchuk. The irony is that the dismissed deputy office manager Mudra was responsible for the rule of law and the courts. In the first two years of his term in office, Zelensky tried seriously to take action against corruption. Then he gave up. The government is only doing the “necessary minimum” when it comes to reforms, says the activist.

But overall the country is making progress, says Shevchuk. Zelensky is better than his predecessor Petro Poroshenko. He, in turn, was better than his predecessor Viktor Yanukovych.

Activists and opposition politicians hope that the anti-corruption authorities will maintain their pressure on the government. Nabu and Sapo have a positive effect, says Kira Rudik, MP and leader of the liberal Holos party. In particular, the investigations against Zelenskyj's entourage have shaken up politics. “Everyone now understands that no one will protect them from prosecution,” says Rudik.

However, she is critical of the fact that Nabu and Sapo acted very “politically”. They not only investigated, but also influenced public opinion by deliberately leaking information and audio recordings to the media, says the MP. “Law enforcement agencies should not play politics, but should strictly stick to their mandate,” says Rudik. Ultimately, the evidence would have to hold up in court.

Shevtschuk, on the other hand, sees the interaction between investigators and the public as a powerful tool. “There is more talk about corruption,” she says. "Previously, only investigative journalists took care of it. Now the authorities are doing the work with wiretaps and a lot of staff."

The question now is whether Parliament will pass the current anti-corruption laws next week. MP Marija Ionova from former President Poroshenko's party says her group supports all reforms.

However, the government should discuss the drafts with Parliament beforehand instead of just submitting them to MPs for their approval. The new prime minister is at least ready for dialogue. Ionova is confident that there will be a majority. “We will fulfill our obligations to the EU,” she says.