Today, the Sandinista regime is playing a transcendental game in the Organization of American States (OAS) to remain in power without great trouble, despite its efforts to become the tropical version of Kim Jong-un's North Korea. And he does it as if nothing was happening inside the dynastic dictatorship, which has unleashed a war in its bowels so that Rosario Murillo, Daniel Ortega's wife, can succeed him in the Presidency.
"Happy birthday, Camilito Noé Daniel!", the public media celebrated the birthday of the grandson of the co-presidents, as if in a somewhat more distant future the boy prince were a candidate for the Sandinista throne, which is so influenced by Murillo's religious rhetoric and esotericism. As if they were going to publish those rather tacky birthday cards in Hello to Revolutionary Monarchies. And the child, who appears drawing a heart with his own hands, is only three years old.
The Permanent Council of the OAS meets this Friday, oblivious to the brotherly love that ensures the dictatorship is distributed among its people, subject to an Orwellian system of social control from which not even the Catholic Church is immune. A country overwhelmed, without hope and that is also shaken by an endless economic crisis, marked by the loss of purchasing power.
On this occasion, the OAS has chosen an extraordinary mechanism, used on rare occasions, that will have the presence of the chancellors (foreign ministers) of the region to respond to the public threat that Ortega stammered on July 19 during his speech on the anniversary of the triumph of the Sandinista revolution. "There will be no more elections here," the leader promised, knowing that the last presidential elections of 2021 were a fraud in which seven opposition candidates did not participate because they were imprisoned by the dictatorship. Sandinismo presented false opponents and counted on the entire state apparatus to show results favorable to Ortega in the midst of the persecution against opposition and dissidence that has been maintained since then in the interior of the country.
The international scandal of Ortega's threats caused Washington and its new allies from the Shield of the Americas to force today's meeting, to which Brazil will attend as the last defensive bastion of the dictatorship. The presence of Marco Rubio, the great promoter of the mini-summit, is expected.
"A particularly strong draft resolution is known in advance. The meeting is important not only because of the unusual belligerence of the OAS towards Nicaragua in a context of decline of this organization, but also because it will test the capacity of the United States to align the entire continent around its positions," Elvira Cuadra, director of the Center for Transdisciplinary Studies of Central America, explains to EL MUNDO.
The Nicaraguan sociologist has witnessed how the Secretary General of the OAS, Albert Ramdin, has been "clear and direct" publicly referring to the situation in Nicaragua while Washington worked to obtain approval of the resolution. Despite this, reluctance persists not only from Brazil, but also from Mexico (the two large countries that remain to the small leftist bloc of the Patria Grande) and from some Central American countries.
And all this under the expectant gaze of the Nicaraguan opposition, persecuted to prison and exile, and which views what happens in Washington as a key meeting. "What happened on Friday (today) is an example of the commitment of the Americas to democracy, freedom, justice and the rule of law in Nicaragua, which are currently non-existent in my country. And it is also a litmus test for the OAS in the face of the inability and indolence of multilateralism. Ortega has to pay the costs hitherto exempt from turning Nicaragua into tropical North Korea. It is also an opportunity for there to be a response for the victims and not a camaraderie with the dictators," says the leader student and former political prisoner exiled in the US Lesther Alemán.
Washington Paper
Washington's role in the Nicaragua case is constantly debated within the opposition and dissidents. While his military forces captured Maduro on January 3 and his negotiators have opened dialogues with Raúl Castro's entourage, with military threats and constant sanctions, in Nicaragua the most forceful route, for the moment, is that proposed in the OAS.
"In the face of this totalitarian drift, we propose maximum international pressure to overcome the correlation of forces that moves the wheel within the regime to generate openness, through a possible negotiation with guarantees of compliance, to thus establish the transition path that goes through a door: free elections. In a third phase we would talk about the reconstruction of the institutionality, which does not exist in Nicaragua," Alemán summarizes to this newspaper.
Meanwhile, the State Department has already prepared its diplomat Natasha Franceschi, a negotiator, to become ambassador in Managua. "I will maintain diplomatic pressure to achieve a solution in Nicaragua that promotes American prosperity and security," Franceschi said before a Senate that approved his appointment on Wednesday night.
The liberal Juan Sebastián Chamorro, one of the presidential candidates who ended up in Ortega's dungeons, also spoke on Wednesday before the US Senate to warn them that actions against Sandinismo only serve if they become consequences. "Nicaragua must return to the center of attention," ordered Senator John Curtis, who chaired the parliamentary hearing.
