Sánchez has not devoted his time to responding to the "attack on territorial integrity" that Spain suffered at the end of July, but rather to diverting attention and concealing, behind his first grandiloquent approach, the magnitude of the events and, above all, their underlying context: Spain’s weakness vis-à-vis Morocco; or, more specifically, Sánchez’s inferiority, submission, and obsequiousness in his relationship with Mohammed VI. He quickly revealed his shortcomings when his argumentative and action plan was limited, after targeting the mafias—who did not interfere this time—to conveying to public opinion that, thanks to Morocco, a second wave would be contained.
All efforts by Sánchez and his unscrupulous shamans have been vainly focused on constructing alternative narratives and distractions. On August 1, the mismanagement of Sánchez and Yolanda Díaz claimed that "we had no information." In other words, our intelligence services are the CIA. The mismanagement assumed that it could not handle two tasks simultaneously: "The Government, fully engaged in extinguishing the wildfires, did not attend to the warning signals." As if Robles and Marlaska had been holding hoses in their hands. Indeed, two days later, the head of communications for the National Security Department was dismissed for reporting the arrival of what was then said to be 40,000 people in Ceuta.
La Moncloa’s fiction-production apparatus designed a second script in parallel on that same day, the 1st. It also failed to take hold. It tried to convince us that the return of Maghrebis and Sub-Saharan Africans normalized the situation in Ceuta. Of course, it emphasized that Moroccan authorities contributed to the return. "We are leaving," read the headlines of official press releases, featuring testimonies of disillusionment. "Ceuta regains an uncertain calm," was advertised. The sensitizing narrative approach overlapped and combined with the assertive one: Meloni tried to defend Europe’s borders in the face of Sánchez’s incapacity, and he rose above the rift to confront the European right and feed his flock.
As the shocking images and chronicles contradicted the spot broadcast about uncertain normality, the issue of transferring immigrants to the Iberian Peninsula was addressed. So thorny was the matter that the mismanagement attempted sentimentally to focus attention on vulnerable girls. The urgency did not mean that it provided an answer to what had happened. Moreover, the urgency highlighted that the problem was much more serious than Sánchez’s attitude and response suggested.
The fifth attempt at a narrative shift reveals a certain desperation. Sánchez resorted to hoaxes, considered subjects and political actors: "They facilitated the human tides." From August 11 onwards, the blame was scattered: the United States, Israel, the reactionary international... up to Russia, thanks to Germany’s allegation that Putin was behind the drone attack on Leipzig airport.
Always reverential and at the service of official narratives, funded by public money, Ignacio Molina and Pau Mari Klose published, pointed out, and established, purportedly with great seriousness, equidistance, solemnity, and moralizing tone, the order of responsibilities for what had occurred: first the PP, then Vox, and in the middle of the editorial: "The Spanish government also does not come out well from this symphony of folly. It is true that it maintained calm and avoided aggravating the episode (...) Its management confirms the value of temperance and dialogue."
