Especially in the liberal capital Budapest, a collective sigh of relief has been felt since Péter Magyar's election.
After the last election of Magyar's predecessor Viktor Orban, the mood was almost depressive, says German political scientist Ellen Bos, who teaches at the German-speaking Andrassy University in Budapest and has lived in Hungary for more than 20 years.
That has changed completely.
"There is so much new beginnings and you have the feeling that people are seeing the future."
And an incredible amount has happened since then.
Parliament worked almost all summer long.
The mountain of tasks is huge.
Magyar has promised nothing less than to restore the rule of law, the separation of powers and pluralistic democracy in Hungary.
Another central election promise: to lead Hungary back to Europe.
Magyar has already done that
Some of this list has already been completed.
By joining the European Public Prosecutor's Office and taking decisions to combat corruption, the new Hungarian government was able to release previously frozen EU funds.
This also lays the foundation for a new relationship with the European Union.
The term limit for prime ministers has also been ticked off.
It is intended to prevent Orban from returning to office.
Work has begun on the rule of law.
Positions at the Constitutional Court are being filled in order to remove the influence of the Fidesz party from the judiciary.
Another important personnel change: the removal of President Tamás Sulyok, who was installed by Orban, and the election of András Baka as the new head of state.
That and the reforms in the judiciary had one main goal: to remove blockages that could have made it difficult for Magyar to govern despite his two-thirds majority in parliament.
What tasks still lie ahead for Magyar
However, a lot of substantive work still lies ahead of the new government, analyzes Péter Techet from the Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe.
Magyar still has to deliver given the “pretty desolate situation in the economy, social services, education, hospitals and so on”.
In addition, numerous institutions and foundations that Orban's Fidesz party used to divert state funds from the budget into dark channels must be dissolved.
An office for asset repatriation was set up specifically for this purpose.
Public broadcasting has also been given a new legal basis.
The broadcasters should be allowed to broadcast news again in a few days.
This was quickly suspended after the election because the broadcasters under Orban had spread false reports and government propaganda.
A new constitution will also be drawn up starting in the fall.
The still valid basic law was pushed through parliament by Fidesz within a few days in 2011.
From this perspective, Hungary now has to completely reorganize itself.
For the political scientist Bos, this will be the litmus test for Magyar: "For me, what's really crucial is: What happens then?" she asks.
If he continued like Orban, “then it would be problematic.”
The Magyar government only has indirect influence on one thing: the criminal prosecution of the Orban years.
Important Orban followers have fled abroad in recent months.
Presumably including embezzled funds.
