The rise of three of Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar’s sons, commander of the Libyan National Army, to influential positions in the military and development scenes in eastern Libya has raised questions about the nature of the relationship between them, and whether it is a “competition” for “centers of influence” or a distribution of roles within one central leadership.
In recent years, the presence of Haftar’s sons in leadership positions within influential institutions has increased. Saddam (the youngest son) has held the position of Deputy Commander of the “National Army” since the summer of last year, while his brother Khaled holds the position of Chief of the General Staff, while Al-Qasim has been managing the “Libya Reconstruction Fund” since February 2024, which Parliament granted him broad powers in the reconstruction file.
As for Siddiq and Uqba Haftar, they appear in less influential positions. The first is active in tribal mediations for “national reconciliation,” while the second works in the fields of technology and digital transformation.
Last week, the movements of 86 representatives to amend the bylaws of the House of Representatives, which might open the way for changing its president, Aguila Saleh, raised questions about the possibility of a discrepancy between Saddam and Khaled, whether among local activists or in international media.
According to the Africa Intelligence website, Saddam supported these parliamentary moves, while reports spoke of Khaled’s role in “preventing the session from being held, and his support of Aguila Saleh in the presidency of the Council.” The French newspaper Le Monde also previously shed light on this potential competition, in a report published last month.
Speculations and hypotheses
Among Libyans, there are those who agree with the view that there is a “competition,” or even a “struggle for influence.” Libyan political analyst Muhammad Mahfouz believes that “it has reached an unprecedented escalation, between a project led by Saddam Haftar versus Khaled and Balqasim.”
In a statement to Asharq Al-Awsat, Mahfouz highlighted “previous signs of this conflict that were brought to public by the last session of Parliament, and which turned into a fight between bloggers affiliated with both parties,” a point of view with which Jalal Harchaoui, an associate researcher at the British Royal United Services Institute, agrees.
On the other hand, sources close to the leadership of the National Army spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat that this hypothesis is “incorrect,” and that the matter does not go beyond the distribution of tasks within one central command.
Military researcher close to the National Army, Muhammad Al-Tarhouni, believes that “differences in viewpoints between leaders on some files are not excluded, but reaching a disagreement or public conflict is unlikely.”
Al-Tarhouni believes, in a statement to Asharq Al-Awsat, that there is competition “over achievement and not influence,” considering that the movements of Khaled and Saddam aim to “protect the future of the military institution and prevent attempts by some political forces to influence the general leadership.”
Saddam's appointment as deputy commander of the National Army in the summer of last year early opened the door to speculation about the future of the leadership in eastern Libya. The American Simpson Research Center presented a reading about the possibility of consolidating Saddam's position in the path of the caliphate, in exchange for what this might lead to the marginalization of his brother Khaled, despite his assuming the position of chief of staff.
Questions increased about Saddam's role in the future with the "American initiative" to unify institutions and executive authority in Libya, with media reports circulating about leaks regarding a proposed formula requiring Saddam to assume the presidency of the Presidential Council, in exchange for Abdul Hamid Al-Dabaiba assuming the presidency of the unified government.
“Clear hierarchy”
Last April, statements attributed to Khaled Haftar were issued talking about “the refusal to continue any political arrangements supported by external agendas that would prolong the crisis,” which was understood at the time as an indication of rejection of the initiative of the US President’s Advisor for Arab and African Affairs, Massad Boulos.
But political researcher Muhammad Mutairid believes that the position of the leadership of the “National Army” welcoming the “American initiative,” issued two months later, denies this hypothesis. In his testimony to Asharq Al-Awsat, he cited “an unannounced meeting in the media two weeks ago between Khaled and Saddam to discuss the latest developments.”
Al-Tarhouni believes that both Saddam and Khaled belong to “a disciplined military institution, based on a clear hierarchy in issuing and implementing orders,” adding: “We have not yet seen direct interference from Khaled and Saddam in the political scene, or movements that indicate the existence of declared competition between them.”
Regarding Al-Qasim, Al-Tarhouni said that his work in the “Libya Reconstruction Fund” focuses on implementing projects and advancing the development process in the east of the country.
The Libyan Center for Security and Military Studies has previously raised the possibility of the emergence of a conflict that goes beyond competition between sons, within scenarios related to the future of leadership.
In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, political analyst close to the National Army, Abdullah Al-Dibani, downplayed the possibilities of a future conflict between Haftar’s sons, considering that “the distribution of tasks is taking place according to one central vision; The military, security and development roles proceed within a complementary framework and do not mean there is competition for influence.”
Amid talk of “possible competition and distribution of roles,” the positions of Haftar’s sons remain influential in reading the future of leadership in eastern Libya, without conclusive evidence, so far, of the existence of a conflict between them.
The Egyptian House of Representatives is preparing to begin its second session within days, amid anticipation that the “Personal Status” draft law will return to the forefront of discussions, after it was referred by the government to the Council last May, and the end of the first session without discussing its articles in detail.
The Minister of Parliamentary Affairs, Counselor Hani Hanna, confirmed in recent statements that “the draft personal status and local administration laws are the government’s top priorities during the new session,” explaining that the government has fulfilled its role in preparing them and sent them to Parliament.
Referring the “Personal Status” Law to the “Representatives” sparked extensive discussions among jurists and institutions concerned with women’s rights and the family, especially regarding the articles regulating oral divorce, polygamy, and custody.
Jawaher Al-Taher, director of the “Access to Justice” program at the Egyptian Women’s Issues Foundation, says that the Foundation is following the developments of the draft law and the discussions expected regarding it during the new session, and will continue to present its observations and proposals on its articles, “in a way that ensures access to more just and balanced legislation for all parties of the family.”
She added to Asharq Al-Awsat: “The institution welcomes the trend towards collecting disparate rules into one law.” But she believes that the project needs “amendments that guarantee equality between spouses and do not reproduce existing imbalances within the family.”
It also proposes unifying all family disputes within one judicial file, not legally taking into account undocumented marriage or divorce, while establishing a transitional period to reconcile the existing situation, in addition to developing mechanisms for real income disclosure in alimony claims, and expanding the role of the Family Support Fund to ensure the speedy disbursement of dues when it is not possible to implement judgments.
Divorce and custody disputes
The draft “Personal Status” or “Family Law” law sparked widespread controversy when it was referred to the House of Representatives during the previous session. The controversy focused on articles related to restricting divorce procedures during the first three years of marriage, obliging the husband to document it within 15 days of its occurrence, in addition to allowing a request to annul the marriage contract when it is proven that there is a significant defect, or if one of the parties has been exposed to fundamental fraud.
The lawyer specializing in personal status cases, Atef Samir, doubts the ability of “obligating the husband to document the verbal divorce within a specific period to end disputes proving its occurrence,” and explains that “the current law actually allows filing a lawsuit to prove the divorce, but the crisis appears when the husband pronounces it away from the notary and then denies it later.”
He added to Asharq Al-Awsat: “The husband may divorce his wife while they are in the same place, then he denies it, so she is forced to file a lawsuit to prove the divorce and bring witnesses, and the husband may say that he did not intend to divorce.”
Samir believes that amending documentation procedures alone does not resolve the problems associated with proving the incident and protecting the wife’s rights.
Al-Azhar had announced last May that the draft law had not been officially presented to it, and that it had not participated in its drafting. It explained at the time that it would express its legitimate opinion on the draft law after it was referred to it by the House of Representatives.
However, the head of the “Committee for Preparing the Draft Law,” Counselor Abdul Rahman Muhammad, said at the time that the committee sought the assistance of some scholars from Al-Azhar and the Fatwa House in their advisory capacities, without them being official members.
The controversy also extends to rearranging those entitled to custody. So that the father is in second place immediately after the mother, and the “visiting” is organized to allow the non-custodian to take the child outside the sighting area, and return him after the specified period has expired.
Samir supports “regulating counseling,” but stresses “the need to subject it to controls that ensure it is not used to put pressure on the custodial party.” He says: “Consultation must have specific conditions and duration, and guarantees must be available to prevent one of the parents from traveling abroad with the child.”
It is also expected that the upcoming parliamentary discussions will witness “extended disagreements regarding oral divorce, custody, and guardianship,” and it is suggested that judges, lawyers, and those with practical experience in family courts be involved in parliamentary committee discussions before reaching the final formulation, so that the draft articles reflect the problems of actual implementation.
He adds: “It is necessary to study the reality well, and seek help from the expertise of those working in family courts. It is not permissible to impose provisions on a general basis without restrictions that guarantee the correctness of their application.”
Other legislation
Member of the House of Representatives, Muhammad Amer, told Asharq Al-Awsat that there are a number of pieces of legislation expected to be discussed by the House of Representatives during the next session, “most notably the Personal Status Law; Because of its great importance and direct impact on the Egyptian family and society as a whole.”
Representatives and political parties represented in Parliament intend to submit proposals to make amendments to some laws during the second session, including the “Law for Practicing the Pharmacy Profession, and the Law Regulating Daily, Temporary, and Seasonal Workers.”
According to Amer, “There are also laws related to local administration, in addition to a number of economic and social legislation that directly affect the life of citizens.”
He points out that the order of priorities depends on the draft laws that the government will submit, as well as the proposals submitted by representatives, and then what is referred to the specific committees for study and discussion before presenting it to the plenary session of the Council.
