Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi’s announcement, on Saturday, that his country will implement any measure to protect and defend its brothers, “in accordance with the directives of King Salman bin Abdulaziz and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman,” gained great momentum in the context of historical relations between the two countries, in addition to the expected reflection on developments in the geopolitical situation in the region.
On Sunday, Cairo began practical measures, represented by the decision of the National Defense Council, headed by President Sisi, to “provide all necessary and possible forms of support to Saudi Arabia.” To defend its security and stability, and to preserve its capabilities, the integrity of its lands, and the Islamic sanctities, based on the historical relations and strong ties that bind the peoples of the two brotherly countries as they are the heart of the Arab nation, and out of belief in the connection between Saudi national security and Egyptian and Arab national security.
The two countries have great and advanced military capabilities in various defense fields, and Asharq Al-Awsat spoke with observers, who confirmed that “the areas of cooperation, coordination and military solidarity in particular come to complement the political cooperation that is strengthening between Riyadh and Cairo, especially with the volume of visits exchanged between the two sides, including the visit of the Saudi Crown Prince to Egypt last month.”
Political analyst Munif Al-Harbi places the Egyptian position in a broader context than the current military developments, considering that the relationship between Riyadh and Cairo “enjoys historical specificity, and that the two countries represent two main pillars in the Arab national security equation, and between them has an extended record of support and assistance during the region’s crises.” He tells Asharq Al-Awsat that the relations between the two countries are based on a “deep political history,” recalling what was known in the 1950s as “the Arab triangle that included... Riyadh, Cairo and Damascus, before a Saudi-Egyptian duo crystallizes, capable of dealing with the transformations and threats facing the region.”
Al-Harbi cited the Saudi position in support of Egypt in 2013, and Cairo’s participation in the war to liberate Kuwait in 1990, despite its membership at the time in the “Arab Cooperation Council,” noting that former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak sided with the position demanding the liberation of Kuwait. Al-Harbi summarized the nature of the relationship by saying that “the strength of the two countries is the strength of each other,” and pointed out that the Egyptian position toward Gulf security “also intersects with existing paths of regional cooperation, including that of The Quartet brings together the two countries with Pakistan and Turkey, in addition to their participation in the multinational maritime defense alliance recently established by Saudi Arabia.
Al-Harbi points out the specificity of the Yemeni file in this aspect, noting that Egypt is incurring losses estimated at about $11 billion as a result of the closure or disruption of navigation through Bab al-Mandab.
For his part, international affairs specialist Ahmed Al-Ibrahim believes that Egyptian support for Saudi Arabia “goes beyond political solidarity, and reflects a realization in Cairo of the direct connection between the security of the Kingdom, the Gulf, and Egyptian national security.”
Al-Ibrahim told Asharq Al-Awsat that granting President Sisi the required authorization “completes the necessary legal framework for any possible Egyptian military movement outside the borders, if Saudi Arabia requests it,” and legally opens the way for Cairo to consider its options, according to developments in the situation, without this necessarily meaning taking a military decision.
He added, “At the same time, the step carries a political message that the threats facing Saudi Arabia are not read by Egypt as an issue separate from regional security, and the Red Sea emerges in this context as an area of common strategic interests, in light of Egypt’s connection to the security of Bab al-Mandab, and the continuation of navigation towards the Suez Canal, in contrast to its direct importance to Saudi Arabia.”
Militarily, former Saudi officer and strategic analyst Abdul Latif Al-Mulhim believes that any additional Saudi-Egyptian military cooperation, if developments require it, “could include a number of paths, including information exchange, early warning, and air defense, in addition to maritime coordination and logistical support, in a way that enhances the ability to confront Houthi attacks and protect shipping lines.”
During his conversation with Asharq Al-Awsat, Al-Mulhim pointed out the size of the military capabilities of the two countries, explaining that according to the “Global Fire Power” classification for the year 2026, “the two countries’ armies rank in the advanced ranks, and the total they possess exceeds 2,000 aircraft, including more than 500 fighters.”
Al-Mulhim continued, “Expanding coordination between the two sides could contribute to strengthening deterrence, protecting coasts and shipping lines, and reducing threats targeting the security of the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab.”
In Bahrain, the Gulf foreign ministers discussed regional developments, especially regarding Houthi attacks on Saudi territory. The attendees condemned these attacks and supported the Kingdom’s right to defend its lands.
In addition to the events in Yemen, the attendees discussed the escalation in the region, and the threats directed at freedom of navigation in the Arabian Gulf and the Red Sea.
The Gulf meeting was followed by the ninth joint ministerial meeting of the Gulf-Russian Strategic Dialogue, with the aim of strengthening relations between the two sides and expanding partnership horizons in various fields.
Jassim Al-Budaiwi, Secretary-General of the Gulf Cooperation Council, explained that the talks between the Gulf ministers and the Russian Foreign Minister will address ways to develop Gulf-Russian cooperation, and exchange views on issues of common interest, in a way that serves the interests of both sides.
In their meeting held on Sunday in Bahrain, the foreign ministers of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries reviewed regional developments, especially the attacks carried out by the Houthi militias against Saudi Arabia.
Abdul Latif Al-Zayani, Bahraini Foreign Minister, affirmed the solidarity of the Gulf states with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and support of its right to self-defense.
Al-Zayani said in his speech during the meeting: “We stand united with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and support its inherent right to self-defense in accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter.”
Al-Zayani stressed that the security of “Saudi Arabia is an integral part of the security of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries.”
He stressed that "the security of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries represents a fundamental pillar of regional and international security."
Al-Zayani condemned the attacks carried out by the Houthi militia against Saudi Arabia, “and their deliberate targeting of civilian objects, vital installations and civilian airports, which resulted in casualties and injuries.”
He pointed out that "the latest of these attacks was the sinful attack on King Khalid International Airport in the Saudi capital, Riyadh, which claimed the lives of 14 civilians and injured more than 300 people."
He stressed that these attacks constitute a flagrant violation of international humanitarian law and the Chicago Convention on International Civil Aviation.
Al-Zayani reaffirmed Bahrain's firm and supportive position of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in confronting these attacks.
Al-Zayani also appreciated the consensus achieved in the UN Security Council regarding the presidential statement, expressing Bahrain’s aspiration to build on this consensus through the Russian Federation’s support for the draft resolution submitted by Saudi Arabia to the Security Council, which Bahrain supports.
He said, "The draft resolution aims to protect civilians, stop attacks, and dry up their sources of funding and armament, while preserving humanitarian work in Yemen, and supporting the efforts of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to Yemen to reach a comprehensive political solution."
For his part, Jassim Mohammed Al-Budaiwi, Secretary-General of the Gulf Cooperation Council, stressed during the Gulf ministerial meeting that “the sinful attacks committed by the terrorist Houthi militia against the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia place us in the face of deliberate criminal behavior that does not give weight to the sanctity of blood, nor to the safety of civilian facilities, nor to the consequences of escalation on the security and stability of the region.”
He renewed his condemnation of “these blatant attacks,” and his rejection of “the continued targeting of airports, civilian facilities, and energy facilities.”
Al-Budaiwi stressed that “this militia’s insistence on repeating its crimes requires effective international action to stop its attacks, hold those responsible accountable, and prevent its threat to security and stability.”
The Secretary-General of the Gulf Cooperation Council also condemned the repeated Iranian attacks on the GCC countries, and considered that they “represent a blatant violation of their sovereignty and territorial integrity, and a direct threat to their security and stability.”
He also condemned “the dangerous and continuing Iranian practices that target the security and safety of maritime navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, and the attempts to use this vital international waterway as a tool for pressure and threat, thus exposing the movement of international trade and global energy supplies to grave risks.”
He called on Iran to adhere to the principles of international law and the United Nations Charter, fully implement Security Council Resolution No. (2817), and ensure freedom of navigation and safe transit in the Strait of Hormuz without any restrictions or threats.
He stressed the responsibility of the international community, especially the Security Council, to take a firm stance to ensure the protection of the security and stability of the region, and the preservation of international sea lanes from any practices that threaten regional and international security and peace.
A Japanese official said that relations between Riyadh and Tokyo are based on broad cooperation related to “Saudi Vision 2030,” energy security, protecting maritime navigation, and maintaining stability and prosperity in the region, which protects international trade and opens the way for joint development.
Tsukasa Uemura, the Japanese government's special envoy to the Middle East peace process, stressed that the two countries agree on the importance of stability in the Gulf and the sea lanes, indicating that existing cooperation does not exhaust opportunities for joint work, and that the field is still open to new ideas.
Uemura explained in statements to Asharq Al-Awsat that Japan’s interest in the Middle East is not limited to oil and gas, despite their importance to Japanese energy security. Pointing out that the region is located “at the heart of global trade.”
He pointed out that the Strait of Hormuz, the Strait of Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are “vital corridors for international trade,” and that any disturbance in them will have repercussions that extend beyond the countries of the region. These corridors are of particular importance to Japan, which depends on stable trade routes and energy supplies.
Uemura said that Tokyo views the region as a center for global trade, in addition to its natural wealth and human and cultural potential. He added that the security, stability and prosperity of the Middle East “is not only important to Japan, but to the entire world.”
Regarding bilateral relations, Uemura recalled his experience as Japanese ambassador to Saudi Arabia during the period from 2017 to 2020, and said that cooperation between the two countries has expanded to include multiple sectors within the framework of “Saudi Vision 2030.”
He explained that the relevant Japanese ministries participate in areas such as education and industrial development, and that the two countries have established a mechanism for ministerial meetings through which officials from both sides meet to discuss issues of common interest.
Tsukasa said that this mechanism represents one of the existing cooperation paths, but it does not exhaust opportunities for joint work, adding that the field is still open to new ideas. Among the proposals he put forward was to strengthen tripartite cooperation, so that Japan and Saudi Arabia would work together in development projects in third countries. Riyadh offers its capabilities and resources, while Tokyo contributes its expertise and capabilities. Especially in less developed regions.
On Friday, the Saudi Foreign Minister received a phone call from his Japanese counterpart, during which the latter stressed his country’s rejection of targeting civilians and civilian facilities, and strongly condemned the Houthi attacks, expressing his appreciation for the Saudi efforts aimed at promoting peace and stability in the Middle East, including Yemen.
In the energy security file, Uemura pointed to Japanese cooperation with Saudi Arabia and the UAE in storing crude oil. He said that Japan has built large tanks on its territory, but the oil stored in them remains the property of the two Gulf states. Under normal circumstances, the stock can be used for commercial purposes, but when a crisis or supply disruption occurs, the oil can be put on the Japanese market.
The Japanese diplomat described the mechanism as a formula that achieves the interests of both parties. It guarantees Japan oil supplies in times of emergency, and allows Saudi Arabia and the UAE to access the Japanese market.
He added that Tokyo is considering providing financial assistance to Asian countries to confront the repercussions of the Gulf crisis, including the shortage of crude oil and natural gas supplies, and to help them develop plans to prepare for crises.
These paths come at a time when Japan expressed its concern about the expanding confrontation between Iran and the United States and the Iranian attacks on the Gulf states. Uemura said that Tokyo is following developments “with great concern,” and that it fears the conflicts will spread to other countries and regions.
He added: “We now see that the crisis is expanding to include the Houthis and the Bab al-Mandab Strait,” calling for calm to be restored and tension to be reduced. He stressed that navigation security in the region is a “common interest” for Japan, Saudi Arabia and other concerned parties.
As for Yemen, he said that Japan calls for an end to the escalation and hostilities, and demands an end to the attacks targeting countries in the region, including Saudi Arabia. He added that Japanese aid to Yemen currently passes through international organizations, especially the United Nations, with the possibility of discussing other forms of cooperation in the future, including tripartite projects with the participation of East Asian countries.
Uemura concluded by emphasizing that strengthening Japanese-Saudi relations and cooperation with the Gulf states are linked to a broader goal of maintaining stability and prosperity in the region, which protects international trade and opens the way for joint development.
