Revelations about Alexandre de Moraes and André Mendonça raise suspicions of bias in the STF

The revelations about Alexandre de Moraes' relations with Daniel Vorcaro are serious and need to be clarified. His actions against the coup attempt obviously do not grant him immunity, on the contrary, it puts a magnifying glass on his conduct. There is strong suspicion of corruption.

Moraes' mistakes, however, do not transform André Mendonça into a champion of morality and impartiality. There are enough elements for the performance of the new Supreme Court justice candidate to also be subject to scrutiny.

A report by the Federal Police itself drew attention to the difference in speed with which Mendonça analyzed measures against politicians from different camps. It took nine days in the case of PT member Jaques Wagner, 29 in that of Ciro Nogueira, Bolsonaro's former minister, and up to 75 in a procedure involving former Rio de Janeiro governor Cláudio Castro, from PL. These differences cannot be treated as proof of bias, but they are an indication.

And this is not an isolated signal. There are others, who point to differences in treatment in episodes involving Lulinha and right-wing politicians. Mendonça's attitude towards references to members of the Supreme Court itself is also questionable: while he showed interest in quickly delving into elements related to Moraes, he was lazy with Dias Toffoli and Kassio Nunes Marques. The PF emphasizes that there are no elements to establish the reasons for these differences.

Paulo Gonet, as is clear, cannot be accepted as the arbiter of the crisis. The name of the attorney general appears in the investigated material. It will be up to Edson Fachin, president of the court, to peel the pineapple, a herculean task.

All of this on the eve of the elections, which requires extra care with your surroundings. Bolsonaro politicians and right-wing analysts celebrate the revelations about Moraes and seek to link him to Lula, in the clear expectation of transferring the wear and tear to the president. But this association simplifies a more ambiguous relationship.

Lula and Moraes —who was nominated by Michel Temer— were on the same side in defending institutions against the coup, but that did not make them unconditional allies. The president already expressed dissatisfaction with Moraes behind the scenes when the first revelations of the relationship with Vorcaro emerged. And he was particularly upset by the Senate's rejection of Jorge Messias, who would have had the minister's support.

In light of the new revelations, Lula did the right thing by defending that everyone be investigated and stating that no one can use a public position and democracy for personal benefit.

The politicization of institutions —and the media is not out of this— has become unstoppable and is accentuated as the elections approach. Proposals for the country are not discussed, what prevails is fierce and dangerous ideological firefighting.