S and V have always been like dog and cat. It was the Social Democrats who once created the Left Party by excluding their left wing in the spring of 1917. Since then, they have fought hard for both communism and power over the trade unions.
But in the matter of government, S could always count on the party. It was not until 1994 that they were forced to negotiate a state budget with V. Before the 2010 election, S, MP and V went to the polls as a red-green government alternative â an election that failed â S's lesson was never to repeat the experiment.
But it would get worse. The parties' relationship froze after the 2018 election. In the January agreement between S, MP, L and C, the parties entered a "humiliation clause", stating that V would not have any political influence. Nevertheless, V would release the agreement. It was the prelude to the battle over market rents, where V, with the support of the right, deposed the Löfven government.
The Social Democrats do not forget that the Left Party brought down an S government.
The center does not forget that the Left Party stopped the party's proposal for market rents and in passing also dissolved the January agreement.
The left party does not forget the humiliation clause.
The left party's conclusion to history is to never again be a doormat. The party's electoral congress last spring nailed the party leadership to the line of never releasing a government that the party is not in - and Nooshi Dadgostar liked being nailed.
The good election result on Sunday drove the nails even harder. For Dadgostar, it's now or never. If she doesn't stand her ground now, no one will ever care about V's demand to be in government.
The Social Democrats' conclusion from history is that they can no longer trust the Left Party's loyalty to the Right. That V teamed up with M and SD to vote out a social democratic prime minister makes many social democrats literally see red.
The centre's relationship with V is in its own way simpler â both parties are on opposite sides of the classic left-right conflict over taxes, ownership and equality. Basically, it is the same reason that made the Center so difficult for S for a long time. And that made it 134 days after the 2018 election before the centrists accepted to settle with an S-led government.
In periods, C and S have had close cooperation, such as in the 1950s, 1990s and after 2018. The cooperation has been replaced by conflicts, both Thorbjörn FĂ€lldin and Maud Olofsson were fierce ideological opponents of the Social Democrats. Under Maud Olofsson and her successor Annie Lööf, the party developed in an ideologically liberal â in some respects neoliberal â direction. It made the party immune to both SD and S.
After much suffering, the Center chose to see the Social Democrats as the lesser evil.
Nowadays, the Center sees the Social Democrats as an obvious partner. The center knows that S is prepared to pay well to get C on the train. The party has been able to tick off things like tax cuts, loosened employment protection and weakened beach protection.
The question is whether the Center can be persuaded to take its journey one more step â towards a collaboration that includes V.
What speaks for it is that the Center did not have the same hard ideological argumentation against V as against SD. The aversion to Ă
kesson is about the view of people, while the aversion to Dadgostar is about the view of taxes, companies and fortunes. You can't negotiate human views, but money can be bargained for.
That is why C and V stand side by side in the fight against the Tidö parties' migration policy.
What speaks against it is, of course, Thand Ringqvist's promise during the election campaign not to release a government in which V sits. But in that formulation there is actually also an implied opening, Thand Ringqvist can obviously live with a government policy that is negotiated with the Left Party, as long as they are not in the government.
A sloping plane which suggests that it is all a matter of cost. Whoever sells an election promise - which everyone understands that someone has to do after this year's election - needs to be able to show a substantial profit on the sale.
When everything is weighed together, it therefore speaks volumes for the fact that the Center - after a long round of negotiations - finally accepts a collaboration in which V is included. The Center cannot ignore the election results.
The party that has the easiest time overcoming their emotions is the Social Democrats. For Magdalena Andersson, the overarching goal is to become prime minister. No party has as much interest in avoiding an additional election as S.
Andersson can prepare according to the situation and pay what is required.
