
AI-generated summary
Before the 2022 election, the Social Democrats had been around 35 percent in opinion polls after losing power in 2021. The party sought a return to government power by criticizing the Tidö government while in practice supporting many of its proposals, especially on the migration issue.
On one side, chaos and extremism threaten, on the other, order and normality loom. The dividing line between the two is whether it is 13- or 14-year-olds who are to be put in prison.
That's roughly how you can summarize the Social Democrats' election campaign. It is perhaps no surprise that voters had a hard time absorbing such subtleties.
Because S has undeniably made a magnificently unsuccessful election campaign. At the beginning of the year, Magdalena Andersson's party was around 35 percent in the opinion polls, and party members began to dream of a return to the old days. Since then, in just nine months, every fifth sympathizer has left.
The fact that both the Left Party and above all the Center Party during the same time have made considerable progress does not by any means outweigh the S race. That a Prime Minister Andersson, at the time of this writing, only has a three-mandate majority for a possible government with all but the Tidö parties - and cannot at all get together the majority with C, MP and KD that both she herself and the center parties have pointed out as an attractive alternative - is therefore entirely her own fault and that of the Social Democrats.
Since the turn of the year, every fifth S sympathizer has left
If you looked in the election manifesto, you could certainly find substantive political S-proposals, such as abolishing the retirement allowance and adding up the state subsidies to the municipalities with inflation. The latter is a technical but huge proposal, as all municipalities know who were forced to panic save in welfare during the inflationary years at the beginning of this mandate. But how did S intend to pay for it? And how clearly was the promise communicated to voters?
Instead, the overall S strategy seems to have been to capitalize on people's dissatisfaction with Tidö, while at the same time the party in central issues got as close to the government as possible.
Take the teenage expulsions. The Social Democrats thus voted for the rules that caused Sweden, among other things, to expel young nursing students to the misogynistic theocracy in Iran. This despite the referral bodies warning that exactly that would happen. And when the expected result came, that teenagers and young adults began to be deported alone to countries where they might not even know the language, the S leadership stood by the decision until an internal storm of criticism forced a change of course.
So how will S now handle the fact that they made their worst election result ever? Since Magdalena Andersson still seems capable of forming a government, I unfortunately do not think we can expect any deeper self-examination. On election night, the S leader declared that "the future of the Social Democratic Labor Party is bright". Well, that remains to be seen.
Read more:
Isobel Hadley-Kamptz: Laughably stupid when Åkesson says that Magdalena Andersson is too "angry"
AI outlook — possibilities, not facts
The Social Democrats will carry out an internal evaluation of the election campaign within the next few months
Possible · Within months
The party will need to renegotiate its position on the migration issue to regain the trust of voters
Likely · Within months
In Ronna norra, turnout increased by 15.6 percentage points ahead of this year's election, from just under 40 to over 55 percent. Södertälje municipality has implemented measures such as early voting and combined polling stations to increase accessibility. Similar increases can be seen in Vårby gård west, Rinkebysvängen east and Albyberget/Tingsstorget, where the Social Democrats and the Left Party are also making progress.

The party leaders for the Moderates, the Christian Democrats, the Liberals and the Sweden Democrats meet in Sagerska huset to discuss the election results. Simona Mohamsson (L) says that she has not given up hope of getting the Center Party over to Tidösidan, even though C rules out cooperation with SD. The opposition currently leads with 176 seats against Tidö's 173.

Ulf Kristersson claimed on election night that he has a new non-socialist majority by having the Center Party join the Tidölaget, but the article shows that both C and SD oppose being part of a government they are not in, and that there are big differences in migration and economic policy that make cooperation unlikely.

The Left Party gets 17.1 percent in the Riksdag election in Malmö and becomes the second largest party after the Social Democrats. In Rosengård, the party gets 41.2 percent of the vote. The success is linked to the Tidö parties' migration policy, class divisions and local campaigning around welfare, housing and the Palestine issue.

Long queues marked Sunday's election in Umeå, where voters had to wait for hours. The electoral authority and local representatives point to the current ballot system as the main cause of the problems and are calling for national reform to avoid future queuing.

The Sweden Democrats fall back in the parliamentary election to 17.5 percent, which marks the party's first historical decline. Analysts point to difficulties in maintaining the role as a party of discontent after four years in power and voter movements against, among others, the Moderates and the Liberals.