Germany is watching the upcoming state election in the eastern state of Saxony-Anhalt with keen interest. Much of the attention is focused on the performance of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), whose state branch in Saxony-Anhalt has been classified by the domestic intelligence agency as "confirmed right-wing extremist."
According to opinion polls, the AfD could emerge as the clear election winner.
In the last state election in 2021, the AfD won around 20% of the vote and has since been the largest opposition party. The state is governed by a coalition of the center-right Christian Democrats (CDU), the center-left Social Democrats (SPD) and the neoliberal Free Democrats (FDP), with the CDU's Sven Schulze serving as state premier.
Where does Saxony-Anhalt stand?
The AfD is campaigning on the claim that Saxony-Anhalt has been left behind — both socially and economically.
The unemployment rate in Saxony-Anhalt is higher than the national average, while median earnings for full-time employees are lower than across Germany as a whole.
Of Saxony-Anhalt's roughly 2.1 million residents, just under 800,000 are in jobs subject to social security contributions. The chemical industry has traditionally been one of the state's major employers and among the most productive sectors of the economy, particularly in the so-called chemical triangle around the cities of Leuna, Merseburg and Bitterfeld-Wolfen.
Machinery and plant engineering companies, including suppliers to the struggling automotive industry, also play an important role in the manufacturing sector.
The retail, transport and hospitality sector accounts for around one-fifth of jobs, including many positions in tourism. The Harz Mountains, the Luther cities of Wittenberg and Eisleben, and Quedlinburg, with its UNESCO World Heritage status, are key destinations.
Saxony-Anhalt's economy growing more slowly than the national average
The perception that the eastern German states have still not caught up with the former West German states appears to resonate with voters. The AfD has built broad support around this message, particularly among younger voters.
It is often claimed that pensions are lower in eastern Germany than in the west, but this is no longer the case. It is true, however, that the proportion of pensioners in Saxony-Anhalt is slightly higher than the national average. Many pensioners in the east also rely solely on their state pension, whereas many in the west receive company pensions or income from private retirement savings in addition to their state pension.
Partly because of its higher proportion of pensioners, Saxony-Anhalt has one of the lowest levels of economic output per capita in Germany, at just three-quarters of the national average. The state's economy has also generally grown more slowly than the national economy in recent years.
'Foreigners are to blame'
The AfD has also made immigration a central campaign issue in Saxony-Anhalt, warning of "too much immigration" and "foreign influence" — and appears to be gaining support with this message. This is even though, compared with other German states, relatively few non-Germans live there.
Although Saxony-Anhalt is one of Germany's economically weaker states, it has gained population in recent years, according to migration figures.
Since 2016, more non-Germans have moved to Saxony-Anhalt than have left. The net migration balance for German citizens has also been positive for the past six years.
At the end of 2025, foreign nationals accounted for around 9% of Saxony-Anhalt's population — roughly half the share in North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany's most populous state.
The claim that "foreigners are living off taxpayers" is also misleading. Compared with other German states, Saxony-Anhalt has a relatively low proportion of foreign nationals among potential recipients of welfare benefits such as basic income support.
However far the political and economic reality may diverge from the bleak picture painted by extremist parties, particularly the AfD, one trend appears evident: support for radical parties is becoming increasingly entrenched.
The two formerly dominant parties, the CDU and SPD, are bearing the brunt of this shift and steadily losing ground. The CDU is increasingly struggling to maintain its status as a broad-based mainstream party, while the SPD is edging closer to the 5% threshold, raising the prospect that it could eventually struggle to win seats in some state parliaments.
