In the large student and student protests that have shaken France for just over a month, I have not come across any Asterix and Obelix, but rather people dressed as manga characters and superheroes. It has been playful, with dancing, music and "aura battles" (where two people compete for who has the most aura).
But the protests have also been characterized by seriousness.
Because school is not just about homework and learning – it lays the foundation for a young person's future life. Especially for those who grow up in a poor suburb or far out in the countryside.
That is why many listened carefully to the announcements from Emmanuel Macron's government on Monday. For the first time since the protests began, investments worth billions and a more equal school were promised.
It is a stark contrast to the earlier talk of cuts.
The promises do not go as far as the students want, so the protests will continue. But the movement can celebrate a partial victory: that the admissions system to the university, Parcoursup, which is so detested by the students, must be fundamentally overhauled.
The algorithm that governs admission has been criticized because it is unclear how the grades and other selection criteria are weighted. The universities have the opportunity to see which high school an applicant attended, which leads to students from "worse" schools sometimes being sorted out even if they have high grades.
It is perceived as deeply unfair by many.
From 2028, universities will no longer be able to see the name of the upper secondary school, promises the Minister of Education. It is a door that is opened wide for students from disadvantaged areas.
The point is that there will be a presidential election next year - and that the winner can stop the reform.
But school has now become an election issue. That alone is a victory for the student movement.
Here is part of the answer to why the French demonstrate so much: that it actually works.
In the latter half of the 20th century, French governments often opened their wallets when faced with popular mobilizations. But a kind of turning point came in 2003 when the then Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin said that "the street does not rule the country".
Since then, French governments have resisted more strongly, stressing that it is the election results, not the number of participants in demonstrations, that should guide the direction of policy.
Emmanuel Macron has held that line harder than most.
Critics on the left believe that Macron's reluctance to listen to demands from trade unions and other social movements has contributed to the increase in violence on the fringes of the demonstrations. What is certain is that the violence from militant, black-clad activists within the extreme left, frustrated "yellow vests" and rebellious French farmers has become worse - at the same time as the police have been given greater powers to beat them down with water cannons, rubber bullets and stun grenades. France has been repeatedly criticized by UN bodies and human rights organizations for the confrontational and brutal methods of the police.
But still: after the Yellow Vests' uprising in 2018, the intended increase in the petrol tax was scrapped. After the large protests against the pension reform in 2023, Macron's centrist coalition lost control of the National Assembly in the following year's elections - and raising the retirement age was put on hold.
And after the mobilization of the student movement, the government has now backed down on the school.
How it will be financed is another matter. And this is probably where the democratic backlash becomes most evident.
France's budget deficit is heading towards 6 percent of GDP next year and the interest rate on the national debt is rising. Now Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu has a difficult task when he has to find other budget items to cut, without a new rebellion breaking out.
