These are no longer hybrid threats. They are very real actions. The frustrated attack, with drones loaded with explosives, against the German airport of Leipzig, after which Berlin has directly pointed the finger at Moscow, is marking a before and after in a European Union where other incidents with drones and sabotage have multiplied in recent weeks and months, behind which Russian involvement is also suspected. The bloc, aware more than ever that the Kremlin is not even considering seeking a way out of the warlike alley into which it put the entire continent with its offensive against Ukraine more than four years ago, has closed ranks once again with kyiv.
"Russia has to understand that these threats, hybrid or not, are not going to change the position of the European Union. We will continue to be on Ukraine's side regardless of the threats that Russia may make against us," the president of the European Council, António Costa, summarized this week the feelings of the Twenty-Seven. And this, in addition to continuing to support Ukraine militarily and economically, means looking for new ways to make the war increasingly costly for Moscow, the capitals agree.
But after more than four intense years of approving restrictive measures that have already placed almost 3,000 individuals and entities on European blacklists, Brussels also recognizes the increasing difficulty of agreeing on ambitious sanctions packages, despite the fact that they constitute the strongest instrument of pressure on the Russian aggressor. Not only because the scope of action, after 21 packages, begins to be limited, but also because it is increasingly difficult to ensure that no country blocks the measures because they conflict with national interests, as happened in July. Something that is forcing the Twenty-Seven to seek a change in method that allows them to remain faithful at heart, the “unwavering” support for Ukraine that everyone knows is what irritates the Kremlin the most.
Brussels closed the shutters for the summer break with a somewhat bittersweet taste. The 21st sanctions package was ambitious and harsh, but it should have been much more: in the end, several of the measures provided for in that and other previous packages were revised downwards after several countries opposed some of the measures that damaged their national interests: among others, Greece, which even threatened a veto, obtained concessions for its naval sector regarding the transport of liquefied natural gas (LNG) outside the EU, while Austria also obtained an exemption for the bank Raiffeisen, which continues to operate in Russia. Germany and Portugal in turn blocked attempts to limit the entry of fish from Russia, and France and Italy weakened the idea of limiting visas for Russian fighters that had been so strongly promoted by the Baltic countries, which also continue to demand greater restrictions on tourist visas for Russian citizens.
Thus, while Ukraine was experiencing one of its deadliest summers and Germany was avoiding in extremis an attack in which, according to German media, at least one of its alleged perpetrators had managed to enter European territory with an Italian tourist visa, tens of thousands of Russian citizens were once again spending vacations on beaches and other European destinations. The numbers have dropped substantially since the start of the war, from four million visas issued annually until 2022 to 618,000 in 2025, according to the latest data from the European Commission. But for many capitals, there are still too many Russians who can get around Europe with relative ease.
“It is not right that the country bombs Ukraine, killing more civilians than ever in this war during July and August, and that in the meantime the Russians enter [the EU] and enjoy the hospitality of European countries,” denounced the High Representative for Foreign Policy, Kaja Kallas, during the informal meeting of foreign ministers in Ireland that inaugurated the European political cycle this week. But although the Estonian assured that there is now "broad support" to review the visa issue again, there are still no guarantees that this will happen since, as some countries recall, some of the legal issues raised for the reduction of the initiative in July have not yet been resolved.
“The fact that political solidarity is expressed does not always translate into support for concrete measures,” warns a European diplomatic source.
In fact, other calls, such as that of the Polish Foreign Minister, Radoslaw Sikorski, to close all Russian consulates in Europe, have not had much echo either, despite the fact that half a dozen governments summoned Russian ambassadors after the Leipzig incident to present explanations and hear European condemnation of an attack whose authorship Moscow continues to deny.
Hopes are also low that the recent attempt by Spain, Sweden, the Netherlands and Poland to reopen the debate on frozen Russian assets to finance aid to Ukraine will break, at least soon, the resounding no with which Belgium already stopped that proposal last December.
In this context, another debate that has been open for a few months now in Brussels on the need to change the “approach” of sanctions is gaining more strength, say sources familiar with the deliberations behind closed doors. Instead of trying to approve very broad packages so quickly, which require unanimity that is increasingly difficult to obtain, we would try to focus on very specific objectives or sectors.
This does not necessarily mean ending the sanctions packages, the sources point out, but rather working in parallel on more specific and themed lists to include in the EU blacklists. Like the 1,600 names of individuals and entities that Brussels is already finalizing for the next meeting of ministers, in October, and which constitutes the “largest” list worked on to date. Also, the president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, has stressed in recent days, work must be done to close the “loopholes” in previous sanctions packages that continue to make it easier to circumvent restrictions. Like those that allow Russia to use Western and Asian components in its weapons. Ukraine says it has identified more than 5,500 of these components on neutralized Russian targets. "After four years of war, this is inexcusable. Those components should not be there," Kallas condemned.
Because despite the difficulties, “we all agree that we have to continue putting pressure on Russia, that has never changed,” asserts another diplomatic source. "Europe and NATO are not only going to maintain pressure on Russia, we are going to increase it. And we are not going to stop," Von der Leyen also promised in an appearance with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, after Berlin accused Moscow on Tuesday of the foiled attack in Leipzig in early August.
And that is important, emphasizes Ian Lesser, an analyst at the Brussels office of the German Marshall Fund (GMF), because the sanctions also “have a highly symbolic character.” And, although they have not achieved their main objective for now, bringing Moscow to the negotiating table for a peaceful end to the war, the sanctions are also a “mechanism to generate a unified international response,” he emphasizes in a telephone conversation. “Even if it is known that the usefulness of sanctions, in a direct sense, is questionable, the political usefulness of sanctions as an instrument remains valid on the side of the allies.” Furthermore, he adds, weakening this sanctions mechanism now, "what image would it give? It would send the signal that the West is not united, and that is something that no one wants to do."
