BSW unexpectedly enters the state parliament of Saxony-Anhalt and could become a kingmaker
Quick Look
- The Sahra Wagenknecht alliance unexpectedly made it into the Magdeburg state parliament with over five percent of the vote and could play a key role in forming a government.
- Party founder Sahra Wagenknecht sees opportunities for a change of course in energy, education and media policy, but rules out a coalition with the AfD but leaves discussions open.
- Experts have expressed doubts about the substance of possible agreements due to ideological differences, while the idea of a non-partisan prime minister is seen as unrealistic.
AI-generated summary
Why It Matters
The BSW was founded in 2024 and narrowly missed entering the Bundestag in the early federal elections in February 2025. It then lost media presence and a clear political line, especially after it distanced itself from its government participation in Brandenburg and Thuringia. In Saxony-Anhalt it was consistently below five percent in the polls before the election.
Berlin/Magdeburg. Shortly before election day in Saxony-Anhalt, the Sahra Wagenknecht alliance seemed politically almost dead after weeks of arguments and chaos in the party. But suddenly everything seems different. After a shaky game on election evening, the BSW unexpectedly made it into the Magdeburg state parliament. With just over five percent of the vote, the small party could now play a key role. “The comeback of the BSW has begun,” rejoices party founder Sahra Wagenknecht.
Her party's entry into the state parliament also means that the beaming election winner, the AfD, does not have its own absolute majority. On the other hand, it is no longer possible for all other parties to form an alliance against the AfD, because Wagenknecht is not taking part. “The mere attempt to forge another firewall coalition would be an affront to the voters,” the 57-year-old told the German Press Agency. Wagenknecht's party suddenly has power. But what does she do with it?
Before the election, the BSW flirted with exactly this: with its role as a decisive factor, says Potsdam political scientist Jan Philipp Thomeczek, who studies the party intensively. In the political spectrum, the BSW actually lies between the camps. But: “To be honest, I would be skeptical about what that means in practice,” says Thomeczek.
Wagenknecht ruled out a coalition between the BSW and the AfD before the election, but cooperation is not taboo for them. The majority of people in Saxony-Anhalt don't want to continue like this, she says. "Hopefully there are now majorities in the Magdeburg state parliament for a change of course in energy policy, an end to the Russia sanctions, better education and a fundamental reform of public broadcasting. The BSW wants to use these majorities to improve people's lives."
BSW top candidate Thomas Schulze is also open to talks with the AfD and says: “We already have some overlaps, especially on the Russia question.” Like the AfD, the BSW also wants “inexpensive energy”. But he also mentions reservations: "Especially the AfD's education policy, it doesn't work with us at all. We're very, very far apart." He also sees differences in economic and social policy.
BSW expert Thomeczek also sees it this way: “I see major ideological discrepancies between the AfD and BSW and I don’t really know what substantive things we could agree on.” There is also a clear announcement from co-party leader Amira Mohamed Ali: The BSW will not co-elect AfD Prime Minister Ulrich Siegmund.
The Wagenknecht party officially represents a different model: a “non-partisan prime minister” should govern with changing majorities, including the AfD. Only: No other party has indicated support for such a solution. And Wagenknecht never said who this “non-partisan” personality could be. The argument was that they didn't want to burn names in advance.
It is clear that AfD election winner Siegmund would have to forego the office of head of government under this concept. Is this a realistic option and could it work? “Expert governments” or “technocrat governments” are well known from other countries, says Thomeczek. "Italy has gained a bit of experience with this. Mario Draghi was a kind of technocratic prime minister until the election before last, which was then supported by several parties."
From his point of view, the crux of the matter is the assumption that such a personality would be virtually independent. “I don’t think it will be possible to find someone who is absolutely neutral,” says the expert. "That would also mean that there would be complete political arbitrariness, so that none of that would actually matter to him. And I don't think you can run the country with a person like that."
What collaboration between the AfD and BSW would look like and what exactly the BSW could achieve at the state level remains nebulous for now. The fact that the Wagenknecht party has conquered this position is definitely a coup for them. Because the last few months have been more than difficult for the party, which was only founded in 2024.
Since the narrow failure in the early federal election in February 2025, Wagenknecht has lacked the media stage, the influence and also the clear line. She distanced herself from the BSW's government participation in Brandenburg and Thuringia, which she had originally supported.
With poll numbers consistently below five percent in Saxony-Anhalt, Wagenknecht turned up the rhetoric during the election campaign. She rejected any coalition with the established parties, she condemned the firewall to the AfD, and offered talks to the Thuringian AfD chairman Björn Höcke.
This brought the conflict with the Thuringian BSW state association to such a level that last week the state leadership around Deputy Prime Minister Katja Wolf resigned from the party. The news broke on the evening of the election in Saxony-Anhalt that Wolf and Co wanted to found a new party.
Wagenknecht sent bitter words after them: “The attempt from the Thuringian BSW to inflict maximum damage on us through a publicly staged wave of resignations immediately before the election has failed.” With the break, this ongoing conflict appears to be over for the BSW for the time being.
Wagenknecht is now hoping that the election success in Magdeburg will provide momentum for the election campaigns in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and Berlin in two weeks. In surveys there, the BSW is at three to four percent.
What to Watch
AI outlook — possibilities, not facts
The BSW will try to use its position as a kingmaker for political concessions in energy, education and media policy.
Likely · Within weeks
A formal coalition between BSW and AfD will not come about, but substantive votes or tolerating arrangements could take place.
Possible · Within weeks
The idea of a non-partisan prime minister will not be implemented due to a lack of support from other parties and concerns about neutrality and leadership ability.
Likely · Within weeks
Open Questions
- What specific political agreements could the BSW make with other parties?
- Is the model of a non-partisan prime minister realistically feasible?
- How will the BSW position itself vis-à-vis the AfD when it comes to energy and education policy?
- What impact does the departure of the Thuringian BSW regional association have on party stability?





